Elections are coming up again in the Netherlands.&nbsp; On 22 November, everyone can go to the ballot box to vote in the Dutch parliamentary elections. With confidence in politics plummeting at a rapid pace, more and more people are deciding not to vote. While it may sound sympathetic that the system has legitimised itself so much that people choose not to participate in it anymore, not voting has major negative consequences which paradoxically legitimise the system itself.&nbsp;The paradox of controlled oppositionWhen it comes to decreased trust in our system as a reason for not voting, people have many arguments. It starts with simply just not participating in the voting process in elections and ends with people who have deluded themselves into believing that they are no longer citizens of the Netherlands, and therefore do not have to meet the obligations that citizenship entails.Support for the system is twofold. On the one hand, these people support the current political order by actively not voting, which proportionally helps the largest system parties the most. Not voting means acquiescing in the status quo in which the cartel parties remain in power. So this is disadvantageous for a fundamental opposition party like FVD.On the other hand, these people also legitimise the liberal lies of the system: by claiming that a government acts illegally, you hold on to the liberal idea that governments act on the basis of law. As a citizen, you have rights. Rights function in modern liberal democracies only as a means of giving people the illusion that they should be taken into account. However, the opposite is true. For those who really wake up from the matrix, the realisation descends that a government acts only from power. Thus, by definition, a government cannot act illegally because it ultimately determines what rights will be respected. Laws and rights have value only when they are enforced. The Covid era showed us in a very harsh way that those people who are expelled from society have no rights at all.The most extreme cases of people not voting are people who have declared themselves "autonomous". Among these people, there is even the illusion of some kind of voluntary membership of the Dutch state. Individuals would have an opt-out choice of no longer being a citizen of the state with all the proposed benefits.&nbsp;Scammers were quick to capitalise on this. These included people offering diplomatic passports and suggesting to others that they would no longer have to wait at the airport for customs. These passports cost several hundred euros. Needless to say, these people using this service are stopped at the airport. Others believe they no longer have to pay taxes. As a result, the government takes everything from these people with fines and lawsuits. After all, you can no longer want anything to do with the government, but the government still wants something to do with you.Some theories even go so far as to make people believe that when they have unwound themselves from the Dutch state, there is a sum of several million reserved for them in a Swiss bank account.Not only has the scammer industry used this phenomenon, the government is also doing the same. In shielded Telegram groups and on other social media, there are large accounts everywhere calling for people to stop voting. People should not give away their vote according to such accounts but keep it for themselves.Still, the drive for freedom and the militancy which comes with it is not a lost cause. While the focus may be in the wrong place now, this energy can be transformed into something fruitful. After all, political struggle does not just take place once every four years. On the contrary, politics is about so much more than just voting. In this area, we can learn a lot from the Left. For they know what meta-politics is and apply it successfully on a daily basis.&nbsp;MetapoliticsAs mentioned earlier, politics is so much more than just voting once every four years. The Left has understood this very well. The Left has discovered that in the modern world, political change can happen only through socio-cultural change. Contrary to the liberal illusion in which we are led to believe, most people slavishly follow the reality presented to them by the dominant culture, and therefore the reality presented to them by the dominant politics. The cultural hegemony of the current political order therefore ensures that our current political parties remain dominant. Politics can only change when this cultural hegemony, or false cultural consciousness, which our social institutions project onto us, changes. This can only happen when the people who have woken up from the liberal dream actively work to influence society in such a way that the consensus moves their way. The Left has done this with the march through the institutions. We can do this too.A dominant political culture is embedded in interpersonal relationships everywhere, in both the workplace and everyday life. These are things that the ideologically active individual can directly influence. If everyone does his bit, we can influence society. However, it is also important to keep one foot within the system. Our system works the way it does now, so representation in parliament is definitely needed to keep the stage set, to keep telling the truth and thus to normalise our ideas for a wider public.&nbsp;Waking up to reality requires waking up from the liberal dreamAfter all, we are dealing with a reality that we now have to work from. Yes, it is true that liberal democracy no longer works in this century.&nbsp; Yes, it is also true that the government is not moral, but nothing is going to change that if people continue to believe in the illusion of the system.To approach the world as a place in which influence and power are the most important things is to see the world as it currently works. This awareness is something that makes a person truly free. Be aware of power relations, know what influence you yourself reasonably have on others and then use this influence to change society. FVD leads the way in this, but we cannot do it without all the enthusiastic people who follow us and make a difference in their own lives and by voting for us. THAT is how you really pull a society your way. THAT is real power.&nbsp;You don't just get change. You force change by making yourself heard. It is time for us to apply this trick of the government ourselves.&nbsp;Be the change in your own environment, stand up for your ideals and above all VOTE! &nbsp;

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Why voting matters

On 22&nbsp;November, the Netherlands will head to the polls for a national election. It is no surprise, then, that these weeks are some of the most important of the year for political parties. The same goes for journalists and other figures in the media. They have set up a plethora of debates, interviews, panels and other events to inform the Dutch public. Now, it is not news to anybody on the dissident right-wing anywhere in the world that the media holds a lot of power to shape opinion. But it remains useful to illustrate how prevalent and how insidious this power can be. Using some examples from the problems Forum for Democracy faced in this election season, we will illustrate how the media can and does cripple political movements, as a warning and a reminder.The first and perhaps simplest way to hamstring any movement is to not give it the time of day. This &nbsp;is what the Dutch media has been doing to FVD. For over a year, FVD has not been granted any form of podium by the mainstream media. From newspapers to TV-shows, we have simply not been invited anywhere. There has been quite literal radio silence; no interviews, no panel shows, nothing at all. This goes for both the Dutch public broadcaster and private news organisations.&nbsp;Only a small and select number of dissident media channels gave FVD airtime to present its ideas and political solutions to the many problems that face our country. This, of course, forced FVD to alter its media strategy. We now wage our political campaign almost exclusively online, on social media. Tik-Tok, X, Facebook and Instagram are our tools of trade. On the one hand, we are convinced there is an untapped market of potential voters to be found through these channels; on the other, we have little choice. Mainstream media channels are simply not open to us.To illustrate: the private RTL media network set up a large debate including the leaders of the parties that were polling highest at the time, including the Liberals, the Farmers’ Movement and the Social Liberals. However, two party leaders cancelled beforehand, creating space for two new parties to jump in. Which parties did they pick? The Christian Democrats and the Animal Rights party, both of which were consistently polling lower than FVD. FVD was not even approached. Why? Because the media gets to decide which voices the public gets to hear, and they do not want our voice to be heard.In the runup to the 2023 general elections, the Dutch public broadcaster decided to alter its unwritten “silent treatment” policy slightly.&nbsp; It did invite party leader Thierry Baudet to a one-on-one debate with the leader of the Social Liberal party. We can only guess as to their reasoning, but perhaps they figured it would be too overt to ignore a party completely in the runup to national elections – a party which is actually polling higher than some other smaller parties they had already invited.Baudet and his opponent were sat down in front of a panel of six young people, three men and three women. One of these men turned out to be gay, and questioned Baudet on his supposed “homophobia”; one turned out to be “non-binary” and accused Baudet of creating a climate of hate and violence; and the last man just happened to Ukrainian, and questioned FVD’s neutrality in the Russo-Ukraine conflict.Of course, Baudet’s opponent was not faced with any similar criticism. The worst he got were some comments that his political solutions were not strong enough, that he wasn’t trying hard enough. We can only assume this disparity in the panel arose completely by accident. We would not suggest that the public broadcaster, the one that is funded completely by Dutch taxpayers, stacked the panel in favour of one political party. We could never suggest such a thing.But let us imagine that they did - purely hypothetically, of course - it would illustrate perfectly a form of power held by the media. The power of the norm. By carefully selecting the questions they ask, by selecting the members of a panel that question and criticise a politician, they can set the norm. And by extension, they decide what is to be seen as aberrant. Just by the way the panel is constructed and the question is asked, the “non-binary” man is no longer an aberration, but instead simply normal. And anyone questioning the veracity of his “identity” is suddenly the weirdo. Worse, they are portrayed as actively endangering the other man’s safety by not “accepting” his identity.At least in this last case, the media’s attempt at a trap seems to have backfired. The interaction between Baudet and the “non-binary” man has gone viral, being <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GeH2F9V6qIM">shared all over social media</a>, with many people taking Baudet’s side. Their attempt to present radical “gender diversity” as the standing norm may have been a slight overstep. We can only guess what impact this may have on the eventual outcome of the elections.

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The Media and its Power

On 2 November, the FVD party leader, Thierry Baudet, was interviewed on News Hour, a mainstream news programme of the public broadcaster in the Netherlands. &nbsp; He was asked about his party and the manifesto for the elections on 22 November. The presenter of the programme tried to ambush him, as is the way of every MSM programme where Thierry is still invited.&nbsp;This ambush included a former voter who said he was initially attracted to Forum because of its vision of democratic renewal but that he disagreed with the party for focusing too often on what he called conspiracy theories. He wondered what talking about so-called conspiracy theories had to do with the party’s agenda of democratic renewal.&nbsp;An agenda of democratic renewal involves highlighting the hidden structures of our systemAnyone who has studied politics in recent years knows that liberal democracy in today's West works differently from what we were taught. The government claims again and again that the power in our "democracy" lies in parliament. This is how it theoretically should work. However, empirical reality shows that only the margins of policy are debated in parliament. The major ideological lines to which the Netherlands is committed are drawn up internationally at meetings of, for example, the World Economic Forum, Bilderberg, NATO conferences, the EU and the UN.Some call this reality a conspiracy theory, but it is in fact an honest empirical look at the political playing field. FVD's position in this is that the Netherlands should be allowed to operate independently again, and that sovereignty should revert to the Dutch people. After all, things are decided in these international clubs that, to put it mildly, are not in the Dutch interest. These organisations are influenced by shadow figures who influence the agenda for their financial and ideological interests. The primacy of power should actually lie in parliament, or even preferably more directly with the people, through referendums. To achieve this change, a correct analysis of the current situation must first be made. This can only be done when this real power situation is called out. From only this position a way to change can be formulated.This critique of the functioning of our liberal democracy is therefore necessary to bring about change. That the illusion of our political system still persists and is still spread among that many people is a consequence of the wrong image of man that we have been taught. We no longer see the empirical reality because of this theoretical delusion.&nbsp;Human imageThe dominant image of man in our society has its foundation in a theoretical fiction that flows from the foundations of the system. This view on humanity, the Utopian idea propagated by Fukuyama in his famous essay "The End of History and the Last Man," is still alive and kicking. According to it, there is only one way to the future and one way to have "progress" as humanity. According to this vision, we are living in a new age - a time where the “last man” arrives. The last man is democratic man: power structures in society are created bottom-up, are democratic and the government acts transparently in the interests of the people.&nbsp;However, we see that despite this Utopian thinking, the real power structures of the old world are still in place. Power, through global structures, still works top-down.&nbsp; This order, which so far has known no serious opposition, has become so self-forcing, its ideas have become so dominant, that no opposition could arise against it. It has become commonplace.&nbsp;No matter how hard the political status quo tries to instil in people the illusion that the new democratic man actually exists, human instincts cannot be indoctrinated out of reality. The old-world hierarchy is still alive and well, and denying it is precisely the illusion in which liberal democracy is shrouded. The only difference is that despots no longer rule through decrees, but from the shadows.To get real democratic change, this realisation should become commonplace in our society. Since the system is based on faulty assumptions, these assumptions must be actively questioned in order to change the system. For this, political uproar is needed.&nbsp;The agenda of political uproarSome time ago, Thierry Baudet wrote <a href="https://fvdinternational.com/article/the-utility-of-uproar">an essay</a> about FVD not shooing away from uproar. Major media publications ran with this essay, claiming that Thierry Baudet's essay argued that FVD is a party that wants to cause uproar for the sake of the commotion itself.&nbsp;However, the opposite was the case. In his essay, Thierry Baudet clearly stated that causing outcry has a purpose, which is to raise and tackle the faulty foundations of the current political order that many have taken for granted. Critically examining these foundations (such as the neutrality of state institutions, the functioning of the separation of power, the financial system, etc.) will hopefully start making people think about the things that are taken for granted and that they will come to the conclusion that these foundations do not correspond to our presented reality.&nbsp;This is where the cultural aspect of so-called "conspiracy theories" comes in.&nbsp;The conspiracy as deconstruction of the foundational mythTo avoid speech confusion, it is important to define a foundational myth as the following: a foundational myth is a story or narrative or event which is culturally used as a central assumption for the ideological premises of a political order. There are events that are defining for an entire generation or political order.&nbsp;When FVD is associated with so-called conspiracy theories, it is almost always about Thierry's statements on 3 topics: 9/11, the moon landing and reptiles.The attacks on 11 September 2001 marked the beginning of a new era of politics. In response to the attacks, the US rolled out the aggressive War on Terror. While the regime change agenda is already taking more than the initial <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jWxKn-1S8ts">5 years budgeted at PNAC</a>, by now almost all countries on the familiar list have been thrown into (civil) war by the USA.The agenda to destabilise countries to supposedly bring democracy and prosperity has failed. Now in 2023, the USA is still engaged in these wars on multiple fronts and these so-called democracies the USA wanted to set up are proving to be no more than a farce. It was always only about the power of the American Empire.Where this is coming from is obvious to many, since the last couple of years the speculation about the immediate cause of these wars (September 11) keeps growing. So many years on, there are plenty of arguments to be made as to why the official story stinks.&nbsp;Could it be then that the US knew more about this attack beforehand? Surely not?&nbsp;If we assume that 9/11 did not occur according to the official story, this would mean that the US is not the moral actor bringing democracy and prosperity to the entire world and that it is ultimately only concerned with its own interests. This is especially true if it turns out that the US itself took this action. That view would be shattering for the moral high ground of the post-Cold War order.&nbsp;The second example of the moon landing also eats at the foundations of the liberal order. The cultural myth of the US being the first country to go to the moon is an affirmation of supposed meritocracy on which the liberal democratic political order in the West is based. This political frame of the US as a model for the West, which has achieved the highest point of humanity with its "democratic" institutions, namely going to the moon, is one of the important foundational stories on which morality in this political order rests. This is the foundation that liberal democracies are meritocracies. Doubting the moon landing works directly on the myth here, namely it is doubting the supremacy of meritocracy in the West.The last conspiracy theory the media always uses to frame FVD in a negative light is the so-called "reptile statement" from Thierry Baudet. Thierry Baudet allegedly dismissed political leaders in the West as "reptiles". Much hilarity followed from the media who claimed that Baudet believed that our elites would literally be reptilian creatures. Baudet was obviously making a comparison here that is as old as the Bible.&nbsp;Indeed, reptiles/snake-like creatures are often used as symbolism to indicate the traditional view of evil (a force that deceives individuals through subversive acts to carry out its agenda). This is something opposite to the modern view of evil.&nbsp;Certainly, after WWII, the West's view of evil has changed so dramatically that the role of the reptilian Satan has been taken over by the atrocities the Germans did in the Second World War (the strong leader who forces a hierarchical order on others with a hard hand).&nbsp;The cultural way Hitler is perceived is the great Satan-like villain in the myth of the post-WW2 political order in the West. This is the vision of liberal democracy. Traditional hierarchies are now falsely deconstructed, because of the terrible things Germany in the Second World War did. Every institution in liberal democracy is therefore set up to dismantle any form of traditional hierarchy through cultural Marxist techniques: "Never Again".That these three examples keep recurring in the media are recurring because of the cognitive dissonance which enters the stage. These three examples are important, because they cut into three important foundational myths of our current political order (the new moral (last) man, meritocracy and the nature of the ultimate evil). When foundational myths are questioned, people are snatched away from their current reality and are forced to think for themselves.Examples like the three above attack the foundational myths that are a reality for many people. This is why people react so emotionally to such counterpoints.By now, we know better. Yet these kinds of assumptions about the course of history force the tendency that our current political order is the most democratic, most moral, but also the best.&nbsp;Therefore, if we want to bring about ideological and thus the potential for democratic change for this political order, it is precisely important to keep attacking the assumptions of this current political order with phenomena that will destroy the current ideological framework.&nbsp;Long live the uproar, long live the conspiracies! &nbsp;

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Conspiracy Theories and Democratic Renewal

Ever since Forum for Democracy was founded, the party has regularly been "brought into disrepute", as they say. There is "commotion" - great outrage in media and politics over a statement, a text message or an interlocutor.Over the years, there have been many who have supported me and the party on all sorts of positions - but who have had difficulty with this "commotion". They felt that these were "side issues", and that it distracted us from our "political work". That, in short, we should focus on the widely accepted, centre-right hobbyhorses and otherwise stay within the range of what was acceptable. That is how we could operate most effectively. Become socially acceptable. Able to appeal to a wide audience.I disagree with this view. That is why I do not shy away from causing "commotion". That is why I defy these media storms time and again and have even been willing to let splits arise within the party.But I have never really explained my reasoning for this. I have never explained why I see the things that cause "uproar" precisely not as side issues but as the essence of what we must do. &nbsp;What do we gain?I can well imagine that this feels counterintuitive to many. They might even get angry with me about this recurring "commotion". After all, as a political party, why would you want to be constantly embroiled in all sorts of scandals? Why those philosophical questions all the time? Why those provocative tweets? What do you stand to gain from that?The key lies in the effect intended by scandals - which are created and hugely whipped up by the establishment. The establishment always makes something into a “scandal”; they determine when a word or a joke or an encounter is something very suspicious or dangerous. It is by no means always possible to predict exactly when this will happen, how something small suddenly becomes big, or why something big remains remarkably small. But íf it happens, it is always for a reason, with a purpose: to declare a point of view or an opinion out of order, to demarcate the acceptable discussion space. In order ultimately -&nbsp; and this is the core - to delimit the boundary conditions of the debate in such a way that the establishment always wins.&nbsp;Breaking taboosSo, the things we politically oppose - such as mass immigration, climate policy, European unification, coronavirus rules - are "protected", so to speak, by the frames that the establishment puts on opponents - frames which are a translation of a deliberately created and maintained taboo.I will give some examples of frames and taboos that I have identified and - hopefully – broken, to some extent, in my life.&nbsp;NationalismFirst: the taboo on "nationalism". In my youth, it was simply accepted that this view would lead to war. The socially acceptable right-wing position was that nationalism was indeed dangerous, but that there might be practical or temporal obstacles to European unification. Anyone who was given the frame of "scary nationalist" or “xenophobe” was done for. As a result, no one dared to defend the nation state outright and so European unification went ahead without much opposition.I tried to break that taboo by showing (with enormous anger and uproar as a result) in&nbsp;<a href="https://winkel.forumvoordemocratie.nl/products/thierry-baudet-the-significance-of-borders">The Significance of Borders</a> that nationalism can actually lead to peace, and imperialism and unification can lead to war. I defied the frame ("scary nationalist!") and unmasked the underlying taboo.As a result, the argumentative space to oppose the EU has been radically expanded.&nbsp; Our opponents, the proponents of unification, have effectively come up empty-handed. Their whole "argument", so to speak, was the taboo on nationalism. Whoever breaks that taboo, wins the argument.&nbsp;ClimateI came across something very similar in the climate debate. "CO2 leads to climate change and must be reduced" - that was the position of the "acceptable right". They simply went along with the narrative about "pollution", about "clean energy" and "sustainability" - with adding nuclear power to the energy mix being the maximum possible political outcome. Meanwhile they remain powerless against the Green story in itself, against the international climate agreements, the Climate Act, the Kyoto protocol: and finally, against the religion of sustainability as such.Again, I initially received the ire of the whole country (and a large section of FVD's initial supporters) when I said: we are going to break the "CO2 is dangerous" frame! There ís no accelerated warming, if you look at the phenomenon over a longer time frame. And CO2 actually leads to the greening of the planet. There is no imminent shortage of oil and gas - because the fossil fuels may not even be fossil at all and will be available for thousands of years anyway.Again: an enormous taboo. Something unthinkable. And pretty much no one around me dared to touch it. Everyone shouted: stay away from that, focus only on immigration and the EU, or if necessary, only on the costs of the climate plans, not on the underlying philosophy, it leads to commotion, people do not understand it, it is unnecessary!Nevertheless, I did it, and subsequently we gained enormous leeway to step outside the framework set by the opponent. As a result, the establishment is now effectively without a story on this subject as well. Because their weapon, the taboo on "scarcity", "pollution" and the frame of "you are not sustainable, you are destroying the planet", has been defused.&nbsp;The Covid tabooSomething similar played out with Covid. Here, the frame was that of "crazy conspiracy theorists", and the taboo was "flu". Criticising the absurd press conferences with sign language interpreters, as if we were dealing with a nuclear disaster or a dyke breach, led to a kind of national hate orgy. And - most importantly - it was strictly forbidden to equate Covid with the flu - which then made it impossible to counter the government's factually incorrect frame of a “pandemic”, with a more factually correct counterframe of a “severe flu wave”, which, after all, is what Covid was.So again, we went through the necessary commotion, broke the frame and unmasked the taboo in order to fight the battle. Had we not done so, we would never have been able to organise an effective opposition to the Covid measures. Instead, we would have continued to do what detractors, among others, wanted us to do: criticise the measures for inconsistency, but say nothing about the mortality of Covid, the risks or the unnecessity of vaccinations, or the hysterical nature of the “crisis”.&nbsp;More establishment taboosBut these three taboos are far from all. Because our adversary (the left-liberal bloc that holds power in our country, has access to some 110 out of 150 seats in Parliament, has the support of media, academia, the civil service, and multinationals) utilises many more taboos or semi-unassailable claims to push through its own agenda.One of these - not to be missed - is World War II, which has been used for decades to promote mass immigration and multiculturalism, and stifle any and all criticism. Until we refute that, we will never be able to effectively protect our people and our identity. Because they will always start shouting things like, "Oh, do you want the trains to the East to start running again...!?"And there are many more combinations. Take the anti-Russia propaganda, deployed to propagate European unification, push the climate agenda - for Russian gas must not be allowed - and maintain the US geopolitical upper hand vis-à-vis Europe. For as long as contacts with Russia are out of the question, the natural European "bridging function" between the Atlantic world and Eurasia cannot be established, and we will remain totally dependent on the big brother in DC. Here, the frame by which people are cancelled is "Putin fanboy". For fear of having that label stuck on them, the establishment hopes that no one will dare to speak even somewhat sympathetically about Russia and that the desired political direction can continue uninterrupted.“Misogyny” is another one of these frames, meant to protect the taboo on the downsides of feminism. Anyone who talks about the differences between men and women, the challenges of working and raising children, the importance of marriage, the beauty of Yin and Yang, gender roles, etc. - is called out as a "sexist". Outcry. Fear. They demand you distance yourself - and the discussion is closed.So on and so forth. Every frame that causes uproar protects a taboo. A taboo that in turn supports a key ideological position of the establishment.&nbsp;ConclusionAs long as we remain afraid of all these frames, the underlying taboos remain untouched and we fight with one arm tied to our back. This way we will always remain on the defensive. And so we never win.That is why it is absolutely essential to continue to refute the frames one by one, and break the taboos piece by piece. That is why it is inevitable that FVD will remain "controversial" in the eyes of the establishment, and therefore does not need to become "socially acceptable". The controversy stretches the available space for the debate. It provides breathing room. Not only for ourselves, but for everyone who feels oppressed by the ever-shrinking framework of discussion put on us by the establishment. In this way, we are effectively a liberation movement. We throw off the yoke of established power every time.&nbsp;And for the record, in our own eyes we are not "controversial" at all, but extremely moderate, reasonable, calm and worthy of governance - but because we challenge the moral order, we are not seen that way.That means our work is tough - much tougher than just being "reasonably right-wing" within the set margins - and it requires people with very strong minds. With courage, even heroism. It also requires great intelligence, because you have to look "behind the curtain" every time. When a frame is employed, the normal human reaction is to look away. To say: oh, oops, sorry! But we have to look every time anyway. To enter the forbidden space. Opening the door, showing that there is no monster hiding underneath the bed. And never to say "sorry". Never! Because then we acknowledge the moral power of those who have laid the frame upon us. Then they win.That is why I keep entering the fray. That's why FVD is "always embroiled in something". That is why it is often not "fun", not "pleasant": exactly that is our assignment. Our job. Only then do we do something that has any meaning. FVD shall be uproar - or shall not be. Enjoy the ride.

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The Utility of Uproar

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Why Jordan Peterson is wrong

The European Commission has come up with a <a href="https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/HTML/?uri=CELEX:52022PC0209">proposal</a> to enable “client side scanning”. This would check text messages - even before they are sent - for specific content. Experts warn of mass surveillance at European level.&nbsp;The Lower House held a round-table discussion about the proposal on 11 October with several experts: Jaap-Henk Hoepman, Frederik Zuiderveen Borgesius, Michel van Eeten and Bert Hubert.Frederik Jansen MP spoke on behalf of Forum for Democracy.&nbsp; &nbsp;Technically trivial&nbsp; Client side scanning is said to be necessary to stop the spread of child pornography and grooming. &nbsp;A little programme on your phone, linked to an EU database, would check messages for content, before they are sent. If the imagery, or text messages, are flagged as criminal by the algorithm, a light will flash at the European Union. The message will then be blocked and an official will then check whether it was actually pornographic material. According to Jaap-Henk Hoepman, associate professor of privacy and technology at the University of Groningen, however, this technology can scan for anything. He even calls it "trivial" to tweak the technology - whether you are looking for cat pictures or grooming. Professor Frederik Borgesius adds that it is therefore also possible to filter for words like “demonstration” and “cartoon”; the road to totalitarianism then lies&nbsp;wide open. Proportionality&nbsp; There are also practical concerns. Billions of messages are sent every day. Even with a margin of error of 0.001%, there will be millions of people who are “flagged up” incorrectly. Think, for example, of a child's picture on the beach being sent to grandparents. According to Bert Hubert, wrongful reports are not without consequences: there will be investigations, phones will be emptied, Child protection agencies like the Dutch ‘Safe Home’ NGO will come over to investigate.&nbsp; Moreover, those distributing actual criminal material will be aware of this new technology and will take measures to circumvent it. It is therefore also ineffective, according to Michael van Eeten. What would be left is a very strong surveillance system which will mainly be applied to innocent citizens. Forum for Democracy's commitment is clear. This proposal must not be allowed to pass. The technology is incredibly dangerous. Frederik Jansen will continue to oppose it in the Lower House and defend the fundamental rights of Dutch citizens.

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Client Side Scanning: a loophole for mass surveillance

A speech given by FVD party leader Thierry Baudet in the Dutch parliament on 11 October 2023.Emotions are understandably running high as a result of the recent terrible events in Israel and Gaza. We too, of course, watched the images with horror.It started last Saturday with a terror attack.We saw horrifying images of innocent Israeli festival-goers being ambushed by Hamas fighters, hunted down and shot. Images of villagers being murdered and kidnapped. Normal citizens who lost their fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, sons and daughters to blind hatred and violence. Horrifying.But actually, of course, it didn't 'start' there at all; rather, it was a new chapter in a lingering, hopeless conflict, which has in fact been raging for decades (and actually for much longer), and in which it is not easy to pinpoint one completely 'wrong', and one completely 'right' party.The human suffering to be lamented on both sides is incredibly painful. We sympathise with innocent Israelis and their relatives; we sympathise equally with innocent Palestinians and their relatives.Moreover, we feel very uncomfortable with the binary choice imposed on us by the high emotions: if you don't 'unconditionally' support one side, you 'therefore' choose the other side; that image is created a bit, as if it were a football match, a computer game.While, of course, it is about human lives on both sides that are to be regretted.While, of course, it is human lives on both sides that are to be mourned. The fate of the Palestinians is truly dire, and you cannot possibly hold them collectively responsible for the crimes committed by their leaders - just as you cannot hold ordinary Israelis responsible for the crimes Israel commits towards the Palestinians. For decades, atrocities have been committed back and forth.This involves a situation in which an awful lot is still unclear. What is fake news, what is real? What exactly happened? Who knew about it, who was involved?Since the Iraq war - and the lies about 'Weapons of Mass Destruction' - we have learned that it is very dangerous to let ourselves be seduced into taking Big Positions and actions directly, on the basis of horrifying images or panic reports - and that, above all, we should not let ourselves be played off against each other, set up or fall into black-and-white enemy thinking.Bombing Afghanistan and Iraq after 9/11 did not make the Middle East better or move America forward. Expressing unconditional support for Ukraine did not help the hundreds of thousands of young boys who died, nor the millions of displaced Ukrainians. It was rash. It was simplistic right-wrong thinking after which the situation exploded completely.Similarly, it seems to me that Israel is now shooting itself gigantically in the foot with the current extreme retaliatory operation. With the muscle language, the bombings, the "either you're with us, or you're against us" rhetoric.It also puts the region, indeed the entire Middle East and even Europe, at great risk.For this is an area that is highly explosive, where the flame could catch fire - possibly even leading to a world war. If Israel continues with its current acts of violence, with its large-scale retaliatory actions, a reaction from surrounding countries (including Iran) is likely to be unavoidable.Then get the fuse out of the powder keg again. Even here in our countries, in Europe, where we have very significant Muslim populations, and where gigantic divisions could also emerge - or even already exist. Not to mention the migratory flows fuelled by a protracted war.Mr President, all this is the reason why Forum for Democracy is taking an extremely cautious approach to this situation. We immediately called for de-escalation. It is intensely sad and hopeless, just at a time when peace between Israel and Saudi Arabia was imminent.The Old Testament logic of retribution threatens to set in motion a vicious circle towards ever more bloodshed. Then perhaps the Christian, New Testament, 'Wir setzten uns mit Tränen nieder' (we set ourselves down in tears, we turn the other cheek) is wiser after all. &nbsp;Let us express the hope that one day the Palestinians and Israelis can plant a seed which hopefully grows into a beautiful olive tree of peace. &nbsp;

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On the Israel-Palestine conflict

The Renaissance Institute organised an essay writing contest about traditionalists in modern times. We are delighted to republish the translated essay by the winner of the contest: Chad Hendriks.SEPTEMBER 13, 2023“This time however the barbarians are not waiting beyond the frontiers; they have already been governing us for quite some time. And it is our lack of consciousness of this that constitutes part of our predicament. We are waiting not for a Godot, but for another—doubtless very different—St. Benedict.”After Virtue. A Study in Moral Theory (1981), p. 263.It is the year 2026. In the run-up to the presidential election in France, a video is circulated showing one of the candidates being beheaded. Top official Paul Raison must investigate either the makers of the video or the perpetrators because in the extremely polarized political climate, all possibilities must be considered.Who would not want to be a top official like Paul - until it becomes clear that he is a typical white man.&nbsp; He lives for his job but is actually lonely, frustrated and obsessed with sex. In addition, he is plagued by guilt over his father, who recently had a stroke, and, the fate of every white man, is ultimately left mute. But who cares?&nbsp; Life is meaningless anyway, since we no longer believe in God's providence.That is what is left of Western civilisation in ‘Destroy’ (Anéantir), Michel Houellebecq's latest novel.It has not always been that way. We are a civilisation in decline. Not only does this affect us as individuals, but also globalist agencies are actively involved. Can anything be done about that? If we do nothing, our civilisation will disappear. Is there then no hope of salvation at all? Indeed: our civilisation is in danger of being destroyedIn general, Western civilisation is characterized by an excessive focus on individual rights and the concomitant pursuit of equality and materialism, including consumerism, secularism, and the breakdown of traditional values and lifestyle which does with them. To put it biblically, we live in a time when everyone does what is right in his or her eyes, without sufficiently considering their responsibility for themselves, their neighbours or their natural environment.It is against this background that we must also view Michel Houellebecq's cultural criticism. An excessive focus on the individual and his material wishes and desires leads to emotional detachment, loss of meaning, the erosion of interconnectedness, a diminishing sense of responsibility and moral decay. Globalist institutions play an active role in thisIn the face of this moral and social decay, since the Enlightenment and the French Revolution, the state has been expected to provide the cement for society. Houellebecq regularly refers to this, but understandably does not devote systematic attention to it in his novels. On that point, we do see a number of phenomena which, in the nineteenth century, Alexis de Tocqueville had already warned about in the second part of his ‘Democracy in America’.When we need support in our efforts to fulfill our wishes and desires, we appeal to our own network, society or so-called civil society less and less often.&nbsp; Instead, we hold the government primarily responsible - it must make the necessary provisions to satisfy our desires.The democratic constitutional state is only too happy to comply with this call because it offers it an opportunity, legitimised by the people themselves, to increase its grip on society. Where that ultimately leads we have seen in the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany: the state promised salvation on earth and saw itself entitled to regulate every aspect of life, such that the establishment of a totalitarian regime was inevitable.Since then, as Thierry Baudet has rightly pointed out, ‘the attack on the nation-state’ has begun. As the level of government at which the rights and freedoms of peoples can be most effectively guaranteed, the nation-state has become so discredited that only supranational bodies are left to trust the Western pursuit of unlimited freedom, material equality and global solidarity. This is how the European Union came about and why globalist institutions like the World Health Organisation, the United Nations and a body like the World Economic Forum increasingly determine national policies.However, with the lockdowns promoted by the World Health Organisation and the EU during the Covid pandemic, with the impending climate lockdowns as promoted by the UN and the WEF, and with the Central Bank Digital Currencies linked to the Sustainable Development Goals from both of these bodies, here too, the control thinking prevalent since the Enlightenment and French Revolution is in danger of leading to a totalitarian regime which leaves no room for moral considerations and responsibilities.Moreover, through the UN and its SDGs, woke ideology is also being promoted worldwide. Combined with lockdowns, this only exacerbates social dislocation and the associated processes of isolation. Houellebecq points a direction, but offers no solaceReading ‘Destroy’ helps us to become aware of the processes which threaten not only our society but also our individual well-being. Besides the supporting values of individualism and materialism, Houellebecq does not see the prevailing woke ideology and the multiculturalism and post-materialism promoted by globalist agencies as solutions. Indeed, these threaten to alienate us even further from our traditional culture and natural environment.However, reading Houellebecq's work can help us face the fact that our civilisation is virtually bankrupt. Admitting this honestly would already be a win. His work also explores the directions in which a possible solution should be sought: intellectual curiosity, open-mindedness, empathy and compassion toward our fellow human beings who are victims of our cultural bankruptcy. In political terms, he sees right-wing populism as a reaction to the imminent demise of our civilisation, without having much faith that they are going to provide a solution.But even Houellebecq does not offer us a real alternative. He is perhaps too much of a novelist for that. In addition, he shows too little affinity with the culture which once inspired our civilisation and which still offers the best remedy against excessive individualism, materialism and the threat of totalitarianism. St. Benedict: inspiration for a countermovementWhen the solitary individual is no longer salvageable, and the state is part of the problem, then perhaps we can still expect something from traditional communities. At least, that is the idea I want to defend here.To do so, we need to cherish the elements of ancient classical Christian civilisation which remain. These provide the much-needed counterbalance to the dominant globalist woke ideology. They provide the spiritual practices and everyday routines which can counteract the emptiness resulting from the prevailing individualism and materialism. Through church schooling and traditional education, these practices and routines should be transmitted to succeeding generations. In addition, a broader impact should also be sought through active contributions to art, literature and public debate. In this way, a turnaround may eventually be possible.Following the philosopher, Alaisdair MacIntyre, this alternative has been called "the Benedictine option”. He was referring to St. Benedict, the monk who founded a monastic order as a counterweight to the barbaric culture of his day. In his days, the decadent Roman elite had no defence against rising barbarism. 'This time, however, the barbarians are not before our borders; they have been ruling over us for some time,' he argued in After Virtue 40 years ago. What we needed, he said, was a new variant of the old St. Benedict.But what should it bring? The American cultural critic, Rod Dreher, picked up the gauntlet thrown to us by MacIntyre, and thirty years later elaborated the alternative in ‘The Benedict Option’.Even though the book calls on the believer to become part of a close community of like-minded people, it does not exclude political activity. It is then emphatically about a politics which, given its distance from prevailing thought, has primarily a testimonial character. In short, the Benedictine option offers the following perspective of action for individuals:- Remain faithful to your ancient beliefs when they are rooted in the ancient traditions of the West. Engage in frequent research of its sources, seek the nearness of God, participate in praise in Sunday and weekday meetings, and share with interested people the joy that lies in a lived faith. - Be faithful in fulfilling your duties to those entrusted to your care, first and foremost your family, relatives and faith community, in addition to everyone who comes your way through your work, including the time-honoured "works of mercy," and your administrative and, possibly, political activities. - Do a lot of education, both in the family sphere and within the faith community. Organise your own schools and carefully choose what you want to teach the young and in what way knowledge transfer should best take place. Also be open to young people who do not share your own beliefs but are open to a different perspective and conform to the precepts at school. - Pay close attention in education and upbringing to the classical Christian virtues, as communal living in intentional communities encourages such virtues as courage, perseverance, discipline, self-control, humility, patience, compassion, tolerance and cooperation, and promotes shared commitment to moral excellence. - Teaching those virtues prepares young people for their vocation in society, both as role models in their families, at work and, if possible, in politics. There it takes courage to row against the tide repeatedly and, despite being continually declared crazy, to continue to agitate against social and moral decay and the associated threat of totalitarianism.That does not mean that the followers of Benedict could do without the voice of Houellebecq. It is the latter who, time and again, with his drawing of raw reality, challenges us to first look in the mirror and see whether we ourselves have not already been overcome by barbarism. From that perspective we can then look at society and, with more compassion than before, but no less forcefully, act against barbarism. Conclusion In ‘Destroy’, Michel Houellebecq has once again shown us the extent to which barbarism has penetrated our society and our relationships. Even without offering us ready-made solutions to this, he forces us to face the facts, in the hope that the elements of the old civilisation which are still present will be awakened in such a way that a countermovement will arise of its own accord.&nbsp;As noted earlier, current right-wing populism constitutes an important counter-movement in the political arena. But without support from society, that political movement too will only be the last convulsion of a vague awareness that our civilisation is on its last legs. That support base can most sustainably take shape in tightly organized communities in which the sources of inspiration of the old civilisation are cherished, passed on and bring the seed of a powerful counter-movement to fruition.We can be grateful to Houellebecq for wanting, with every novel which appears from his hand, to help make the soil of our civilisation ripe the seed of that which is still plentiful in our time-honored tradition of civilisation. That, amid the ruins, still offers perspective. It is now up to us to be re-inspired by it. &nbsp;

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As Benedict amidst the rubble

Forum for Democracy The Netherlands’ largest political party in terms of members &nbsp;Draft election programme 2023 – 2027 &nbsp;Presented for approval to the Party Congress to be held on 30 September 2023&nbsp;Foreword On 22 November, more than 13 million Dutch citizens with the right to vote will decide the direction our country will take in the coming years.&nbsp;Continuing on the same path will not work, as the past few years have shown: the absurd climate policy has made life unaffordable; no one can buy a house any more; immigration has disrupted our society; woke propaganda is disturbing the normal development of children; nonsensical nitrogen policy is pushing farmers off their land and pulverising the economy; globalist organisations are eroding democracy and imposing censorship on social media, lockdowns, digital money (CBDC) and even bringing us to the brink of war with Russia.A fundamental change of direction is needed.In this manifesto, you will read Forum for Democracy's plans. Our concrete proposals for the short term but also that dot on the horizon where we ultimately want to go - our vision for the country, our long-term perspective.We still see ourselves as the flagship of the Renaissance fleet. We are partnering with existing organisations which have like-minded ideas - and we are setting up new organisations. We feel hope and optimism for the future. Recovery is coming. As far as we are concerned, from November 22!&nbsp;On behalf of the largest member party in the country, we proudly present our Programme of Hope, Optimism and Recovery! Thierry BaudetFrederik Jansen&nbsp;Joris van den Oetelaar &nbsp;Executive Summary&nbsp;Twelve rules for the Netherlands 1. A sovereign Netherlands: we will steer towards an intelligent exit from the European Union. By the same token, the Netherlands' involvement in other international organisations (the European Court of Human Rights, the World Economic Forum, the World Health Organisation, NATO) should be reviewed. Dutch law should always take precedence over international treaties and agreements. As long as our involvement in such organisations continues, we demand full openness and transparency by removing the exemption ground of Article 5.1 of the Open Government Act. 2. Democratic renewal: we will give power back to citizens through the immediate introduction of binding referendums on the Swiss model. Public officials such as mayors will no longer be appointed but instead will be directly elected by the people. 3. Freedom, unconditionally: we will submit a Freedom Act which will make it impossible for future governments ever again to introduce lockdowns, obligatory vaccination, documents required for entry to public places, and other degrading restrictions on freedom. An anti-censorship law will secure freedom of speech and free debate.&nbsp; 4. Preserve cash: there will be a legal right to cash payments and an obligation for banks to disburse customers' bank balances in cash free of charge. We will never agree to the introduction of a Central Bank Digital Currency, indeed we will make the necessary preparations for a Dutch exit from the euro. 5. Protect children: there will be a ban on transgender propaganda in schools and youth TV programmes. It will also become impossible for minors to undergo gender reassignment surgery and to take hormone therapy or puberty blockers. An independent commission will examine political interference in school textbooks and reduce it as much as possible. 6. Really tackle immigration: we will freeze naturalisations for at least 10 years. The government will offer support to immigrants to return to their country of origin. We will introduce a Green Card based on the American model, aimed at strengthening the Dutch economy and society. We will offer political asylum to Julian Assange and Edward Snowden. 7. Peace in Ukraine: the Netherlands will act as a mediator to facilitate peace negotiations between Russia, Ukraine and NATO to achieve a ceasefire as soon as possible and end the senseless bloodshed on our continent. 8. Affordable energy: we will put an end to all forms of climate policy, nitrogen policy and so-called 'sustainability'. To make energy affordable again, we will reopen the Dutch coal-fired power plants, restart gas drilling in Groningen and invest in the construction of two new nuclear reactors. The 1,000 billion euros we will save with this change of course will be given back to Dutch citizens in the form of tax relief. 9. The best health care in the world: we will allocate more money for nurses and put an end to bureaucratic red tape in care. Care of the elderly will get the attention it deserves. We will fundamentally review youth care, especially where financial incentives and out-of-home placements are concerned. 10. Delta plan for education: in-service training for teachers aimed at raising the general level of education. We will give vocational education the prestige it deserves by reintroducing diplomas for crafts. Not everyone needs to go to university. There will be additional compensation for the 'unlucky generation' (2015-2023) which missed out on the basic grant. Dutch will once again become the language of instruction in secondary and university education. 11. The Netherlands on the move again: the speed limit on motorways will be raised to 130 km/h and faster where possible. We will abolish average speed check zones and reduce excise duties on fuel, the additional tax imposed on anyone who drives more than 500km per year, and the tax on vehicle purchases. Car owners will pay road tax only once, even if they have several vehicles. No more environmental zones in cities: fuel cars welcome everywhere. We will start the construction process for a new airport in the North Sea. Until then, Schiphol will get all the space it needs to continue fulfilling its crucial economic role. 12. Freedom for entrepreneurs and tax reduction for all: we will lower the burden for small and medium sized enterprises and the self-employed, and put an end to the government's regulatory zeal. The threshold for high corporate tax will rise to €1 million and the amount deductible from profit for the self-employed will be increased to €15,000. Radical simplification of tax, contribution and benefit system. We will set a tax-free base of €30,000 for every working Dutchman and bring VAT back down to 6% and 19%, so that work will start to pay and the hospitality, retail and service sectors can pick up again.

FVD draft election programme for 2023 to 2027

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A Manifesto for Hope, Optimism and Recovery

Forum for Democracy International

Videos

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Thierry Baudet on the Israel - Hamas conflict

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