26 March 2026Tom Russcher and Ralf Dekker today submitted written questions to the Minister of Foreign Affairs regarding the UN resolution, in which the transatlantic slave trade is described as “the gravest crime against humanity”. The resolution was adopted after almost all African, Middle Eastern and Asian countries voted in favour. The Netherlands, like many other European countries, abstained. Only Israel, Argentina and the United States voted against.Creating a hierarchy of historical crimes is concerning and may have far-reaching consequences for the interpretation of history. At present, it is still unclear what the legal and financial implications will be. However, the adopted resolution undeniably provides the Global South with political backing when it comes to matters such as reparations. The position of Forum for Democracy is clear: no further development aid, no reparations, and no oikophobic approach to history.The written questions from FVD MPs Tom Russcher and Ralf Dekker can be found below.Questions from the Tom Russcher (FVD) and the Ralf Dekker (FVD) to the Minister of Foreign Affairs regarding the UN resolution on the transatlantic slave trade:<ul><li>Are you aware of the UN resolution that designates the transatlantic slave trade as “the gravest crime against humanity” ever?</li><li>Can you explain why the Netherlands abstained from voting rather than voting against?</li><li>Do you share the view that creating a hierarchy of historical atrocities is undesirable? If not, why not? If so, why did the Netherlands not vote against?</li><li>Do you agree that numerous other atrocities are implicitly downplayed by this resolution? If not, why not? If so, why did the Netherlands not vote against?</li><li>How will you ensure that this resolution does not in any way lead to financial obligations for the Netherlands?</li><li>Do you acknowledge that international law at the time of the slave trade did not prohibit slavery, and that retroactive application of modern standards is legally untenable? If not, why not?</li><li>Do you agree that there is no right to reparations for actions that were not illegal under international law at the time? If not, why not?</li><li>How do you assess the call in the resolution to engage in dialogue on reparations for descendants of enslaved people?</li><li>Can you rule out that the Netherlands will, under pressure from this resolution, move towards reparations in the future, in any form?</li><li>Are you prepared to reconsider the previously issued apologies for the slavery past, now that these are being used as leverage for financial claims? If not, why not?</li><li>Do you agree that the apologies offered by Prime Minister Rutte in 2022 and King Willem-Alexander in 2023 have proven to be a strategic mistake, as they have opened the door to further demands?</li><li>Do you believe that modern Dutch citizens bear responsibility for actions that took place centuries ago?</li><li>Are you aware of the historical phenomenon of white slavery in Arab and North African countries, including the so-called Barbary slave trade in which an estimated more than one million Europeans were captured and enslaved, and do you agree that singling out European countries as perpetrators presents an incomplete and misleading picture of history?</li><li>Do you consider it fair that current generations of Dutch taxpayers are held financially liable for historical events in which they had no part?</li><li>Why does this resolution focus exclusively on the transatlantic slave trade and not on the Arab slave trade, which lasted longer and is estimated to have claimed as many or more victims?</li><li>Did the Netherlands, during deliberations in the General Assembly, draw attention to slavery that still exists today in parts of Africa and the Middle East?</li><li>Do you agree that it is hypocritical for countries where modern slavery still occurs to be co-sponsors of a resolution on historical slavery, especially given that at the time these countries actively sold their own people to traders from around the world?</li><li>How does this resolution relate to the fact that the Netherlands was one of the first countries to abolish slavery?</li><li>Do you consider it appropriate to continue providing development aid to countries that simultaneously demand reparations from the Netherlands?</li><li>Can the minister confirm that slavery was a global phenomenon that existed in virtually all civilisations, and that selectively pointing to Western European countries creates a distorted historical narrative?</li><li>Do you agree that the Dutch people do not benefit from a persistent culture of guilt over historical events?</li></ul>

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The War Against Iran: the Netherlands should stay out and look after its own people

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Will the UN resolution on slavery lead to more development aid and even reparations? FVD submits parliamentary questions

In a shocking documentary, Dutch YouTuber Dutch Travel Maniac reveals large-scale, structural abuses within the asylum system: from drug trafficking to inspection manipulation, from weapons possession to the concealment of incidents. Through conversations with asylum seekers, security guards and staff, Dutch Travel Maniac paints a disturbing picture of how the Central Agency for the Reception of Asylum Seekers (COA) operates. Tom Russcher wants to get to the bottom of the matter as soon as possible and has submitted written questions to the Minister for Asylum and Migration.Questions from Tom Russcher MP to the Minister for Asylum and Migration and the Minister of Justice and Security regarding abuses at COA locations, particularly the reception centre in Ter Apel and AZC Budel, based on the YouTube documentary by Dutch Travel Maniac.<ul style="list-style-type:disc;"><li>Are you familiar with the documentary from the YouTube channel Dutch Travel Maniac, in which anonymous security guards, (former) residents and shopkeepers provide extensive testimony about structural abuses at COA locations, including the reception centre in Ter Apel and the Asylum Seekers Centre (AZC) at Budel?</li><li>Can you confirm that drugs are structurally traded at COA locations, as alleged in the documentary in Ter Apel and Budel, including cocaine, speed and hashish?</li><li>If the answer to question two is affirmative: at which locations is this the case, and what measures have been taken so far to combat this?</li><li>If the answer to question two is negative: how do you explain the multiple independent testimonies about this?</li><li>Is it true that there is no standard frisking or checking for contraband when entering AZC sites, with the exception of the building of the IND Immigration and Naturalisation Service?</li><li>If the answer to question five is affirmative: do you consider this responsible given the persistent signals of weapons possession and drug trafficking at these locations, and are you willing to introduce structural access controls?</li><li>If the answer to question five is negative: how do you explain the multiple independent testimonies about this?</li><li>How do you explain that residents of AZCs can possess weapons such as machetes, kitchen knives and shards of glass on site?</li><li>What measures are being taken to prevent and combat weapons possession at COA locations?</li><li>Are you aware that security guards at COA locations state that large-scale fights and stabbing incidents occur weekly, and that smaller altercations take place daily?</li><li>Can you provide an overview of the number of recorded violent incidents at COA locations over the past three years, broken down by type of incident and location?</li><li>Is it true that security guards at COA locations are structurally confronted with physical violence, including biting, spitting and threats with weapons?</li><li>What are you doing to ensure the safety of COA staff, including security personnel?</li><li>Do you agree that it is unacceptable for the COA to shift responsibility onto the external security organisations it hires?</li><li>Do you recognise the picture that security guards fear losing their jobs if they report abuses?</li><li>If the answer to question 15 is negative: why do anonymous security guards indicate this?</li><li>Are you willing to establish or strengthen a whistleblower scheme specifically for staff at COA locations, so that abuses can be reported safely?</li><li>How do you reflect on the fact that asylum seekers who have genuinely fled war zones state that they feel structurally unsafe at COA locations, and that some place furniture against their doors in order to sleep safely?</li><li>How do you reflect on the fact that women and families with children in AZCs indicate that they cannot move freely due to intimidation and sexual harassment by fellow residents?</li><li>Can you confirm that there are known cases in which AZC residents have committed sexual assault, and that the perpetrators only received a so-called “time-out”, consisting of a temporary transfer to a more basic room, after which they returned to the same location?</li><li>If the answer to question twenty is affirmative: do you consider this an appropriate sanction for sexual offences?</li><li>If the answer to question twenty is negative: why do security guards and (former) residents indicate this?</li><li>Is it true that the so-called Freedom-Restricting Location (VBL) at the Ter Apel site is designed in such a way that residents can easily climb over the fence and return to the centre of Ter Apel?</li><li>If the answer to question 23 is affirmative: what measures are being taken to prevent this?</li><li>Can you reflect on the statement by security guards that an estimated 80% of incidents are not reported or made public?</li><li>Can you rule out that the COA deliberately transports residents away by coach during inspection days or visits by Members of Parliament in order to present occupancy rates and conditions more favourably than they actually are?</li><li>If the answer to question 26 is affirmative: on what basis can you rule this out?</li><li>If the answer to question 26 is negative: are you willing to have an independent investigation conducted into this?</li><li>Is it true that residents involved in such relocations receive financial compensation?</li><li>If the answer to question 28 is affirmative: what amounts are involved and from which budget are these financed?</li><li>Are you willing to introduce structural, unannounced inspections at COA locations in order to obtain a realistic picture of the daily situation?</li><li>Is it true that the initial screening by the IND in some cases consists of only a limited number of yes/no questions?</li><li>If the answer to question 32 is affirmative: do you consider this sufficient to identify potential security risks?</li><li>Is facial recognition or biometric verification used during registration in Ter Apel? If not, why not, and are you willing to introduce this?</li><li>What is your response to the signal that asylum seekers frequently discard or destroy passports and identity documents prior to registration, and that there is trade in false passports via human smuggling networks?</li><li>What measures are being taken to combat identity fraud?</li><li>Can you explain why the police, as stated by multiple sources in the documentary, are limited in their ability to act against AZC residents who commit criminal offences because they do not have a Dutch identity?</li><li>Are you aware that shopkeepers in the vicinity of AZCs face threats, spitting, theft and sexual intimidation by residents?</li><li>Are you willing to engage with the relevant municipalities about additional measures to protect local entrepreneurs?</li><li>How do you assess the fact that residents living near the AZC in Lochem receive €1,000 from the government to better secure their homes? What does this say, in your view, about the safety situation around AZC locations?</li><li>Do you agree that it is irresponsible to open new AZC locations while safety at existing locations is not in order, for residents, local communities and staff alike?</li><li>If the answer to question 41 is negative: why not?</li><li>Are you willing to initiate an independent investigation into how the COA handles safety incidents, their registration, and the functioning of internal complaints procedures?</li></ul>

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Dutch Travel Maniac exposes abuses and misconduct at the Central Agency for the Reception of Asylum Seekers; Tom Russcher MP submits parliamentary questions

Sometimes things are really simple but people like to make them appear complicated. If the population of a country increases through mass immigration from 15 to 18 million in a quarter of a century, without a concomitant increase in the housing stock, property prices will rise. Tom Russcher MP made this essential point in a recent debate in the Dutch Parliament. But rather than understanding the simple relation of cause and effect, and even less trying to find a way of correcting the problem, MPs from other parties tried to frame Tom morally by pretending not to know what basic demographic and citizenship terms mean. ‘What do you mean by the native population?’ is a question clearly designed to insinuate some form of racism, just like ‘What do you mean by “birthrate below the replacement level”?’&nbsp; When someone speaks the truth, unfortunately many try to pretend that the reality is different simply by ignoring it. This is very bad, in view of the fact that the population is set to continue rising through immigration, while immigrants will continue to be put at the top of the social housing list - ahead of Dutch people. This is not a good way of governing a country but it is precisely how European countries have been run for decades.<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LKE-ZO-TVsE">Watch Tom Russcher’s speech here</a><img src="/uploads/image_39618eadcc.png">With immigration at such industrial levels, Islam is increasingly penetrating public life in Europe. Sometimes Muslims hold public events deliberately to make their presence felt, such as when they organise prayer meetings in the street. On other occasions, they insinuate their way into public institutions. Iftars have recently been held in or near Dutch police stations, for instance. What does this signify? Do Christians hold Masses in police stations? Do they hold Corpus Christi or Holy Week processions in or near police stations? And if it is only Muslims, what does this say about the religious affiliation of police officers and about the requirement for the police to observe neutrality? Peter van Duijvenvoorde raised all these issues in writing to the Dutch government: one suspects one knows the answers but only FVD asks the questions.<a href="https://fvdinternational.com/article/police-iftars-raise-concerns-about-officer-neutrality-van-duijvenvoorde-submits-parliamentary-questions">Read Peter van Duijvenvoorde’s questions here</a><img src="/uploads/image_0faa030e70.png">Representatives from JFVD, the party’s youth wing, attended a Women’s Conference organised in Germany recently by the Europe of Sovereign Nations group. The director, Iem al Biyati, was one of the speakers. She gave an excellent talk on how Marxism has always dreamed of destroying the family and how this has now been achieved by a combination of industrialisation and high taxation. Before the industrial revolution, the family was an economic as well as a social unit; now not only do parents (especially men) work away from home but also their income is confiscated by the state. This is why the state wants to push ever more women into work – to increase the tax take. But this only destroys the family even further, while the solution is to stop wasting colossal sums on pointless wars and migrants. Simple, really.<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-Mcj5VG7lsM">Watch Iem’s speech here</a><img src="/uploads/image_f98e1ab03b.png">Ulrike Guérot was our guest on The Forum this week. She is one of Germany’s foremost political scientists, currently facing persecution by the state for questioning official narratives on Covid and the Ukraine. She argued very forcefully that the present repressive environment in Europe is due only partly to state control and instead largely to a self-perpetuating ‘community of guilt’ which, supported by huge money flows, ensures that the system continues to defend itself spontaneously and ruthlessly.<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OVHTbS83aqI">Watch The Forum &amp; Friends here</a>

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The Weekly Forum - 27 March 2026

FVD Member of Parliament Peter van Duijvenvoorde has submitted written questions to the Minister of Justice and Security following reports and video footage indicating that the police have been involved in iftar gatherings at various locations. In some cases, these events appear to have been organised in or near police stations. Videos circulating on social media show, among other things, the Islamic call to prayer (azan) being recited during such a gathering while police officers in uniform are present. Van Duijvenvoorde is asking the minister to clarify the nature and scale of these gatherings and the role played by the police. He wants to know, among other things, whether such iftar events are organised by or with the cooperation of the police, where they take place, and whether police capacity or other public resources are being used. He also asks whether there are guidelines within the police regarding the organisation or facilitation of religious activities in police buildings.How do such activities relate to the principle that government institutions, and the police in particular, should maintain a neutral position with regard to religion? Is there actually support within the police organisation for these kinds of events, and how are officers who choose not to participate in religious activities treated? The minister is requested to inform Parliament further on these matters.Written questions from the member Van Duijvenvoorde (Forum for Democracy) to the Minister of Justice and Security regarding iftar gatherings organised by the police:<ul><li>Have you taken note of reports and videos circulating on social media indicating that iftar gatherings have been organised or facilitated by the police at various locations, including in or near police stations, where the Islamic call to prayer (azan) was also heard?</li><li>Is it correct that iftar gatherings have taken place at or near multiple police stations organised or facilitated by or with the cooperation of the police? If so, which locations, dates and occasions were involved?</li><li>Is it correct that in the case shown in the video an iftar gathering took place where the azan was recited in the presence of police officers in uniform? If so, who was responsible for organising it and on what grounds was the decision made to hold this gathering?</li><li>Do you consider it appropriate for explicit religious expressions or rituals belonging to a specific faith to take place in or near police stations, given that the police are expected to be a neutral representative of the rule of law?</li><li>Are there guidelines or protocols within the police for organising or facilitating religious gatherings, such as iftar meals, prayer moments or other religious activities, in police buildings or during police-related events? If so, can you share these with Parliament?</li><li>Are police capacity, working hours, facilities or other public resources used for such gatherings? If so, can you provide insight into the nature and scale of this use?</li><li>Are there also examples of other religious traditions—such as Christian, Jewish or other religious gatherings or rituals—being organised or facilitated in a comparable manner by or with the cooperation of the police in police buildings?</li><li>How does facilitating explicitly religious activities align, in your view, with the required neutrality of the police as a government institution?</li><li>Do you share the concern that facilitating explicitly religious activities by the police may create the impression that the police identify with a specific religion, potentially undermining public trust in their neutrality and impartiality? Please explain your answer.</li><li>Do you consider it desirable for police officers in uniform to be present at or participate in religious rituals or calls, such as the recitation of the azan, in the context of an event organised by or with the cooperation of the police?</li><li>Are you willing to consider whether additional guidelines are needed to ensure that police buildings and police activities retain a neutral, non-religious character?</li><li>Is it known to what extent there is support among police officers for organising or facilitating religious gatherings, such as iftar events, in or near police stations? If so, what are the findings?</li><li>How does the police organisation deal with officers who wish to remain neutral in matters of belief and therefore do not want to participate in religious gatherings or rituals, such as iftar events or attending religious calls? Is refusal to participate fully accepted both formally and informally?</li><li>Are there known signals, reports or complaints within the police from officers who have felt pressured, uncomfortable or troubled by the organisation of religious gatherings in or near police stations?</li><li>Are there internal discussions, tensions, frustrations or forms of resistance among police staff regarding the organisation or facilitation of religious gatherings, such as iftar events, by or with the cooperation of the police?</li></ul>

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Police iftars raise concerns about officer neutrality. Peter van Duijvenvoorde MP submits parliamentary questions

Forum for Democracy had spectacular success at the local elections held in the Netherlands on 18 March. FVD won some 300 seats in local councils, up from 54 after the last elections in 2022. It won seats in every single one of the 104 municipalities where it put up candidates (out of 342 municipalities in the whole country). This is an increase of nearly 250 seats with respect to the previous elections, which makes FVD by far the biggest winner: the second best result was that of the liberal-centrist establishment People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD), which increased its score by only 65 seats. It is true that this VVD, like the other establishment parties Democrats 66, Christian Democrat Appeal (CDA) and the Green-Labour party (GL-PvdA), have about a thousand council seats each across the country but this result makes FVD the fourth largest national party at municipal level, way ahead of Geert Wilders’ Freedom Party which now has only 100 or so local councillors.<img src="/uploads/image_7f4999ef57.png">It is mystifying that people continue to vote for parties like the VVD. They have been in power without interruption for over a decade and a half, yet during those years the country has gone to the dogs. They win by tricking people. Every time, they say they want lower immigration and fewer asylum seekers. Yet millions of migrants have settled in the Netherlands under their watch since 2010. Worse, they claim to be against immigration but in fact water down anti-immigration legislation at EU level whenever they can. Naturally, only FVD notices this and calls them out.<a href="https://fvdinternational.com/article/vvd-campaigns-for-a-stricter-migration-policy-but-refuses-stricter-return-laws-in-the-eu">Read Tom Russcher’s article here</a><img src="/uploads/image_45b91dce5c.png">Tom has been on the trail of an influential Islamic NGO in the Netherlands which, it turns out, is under the heavy influence of the Turkish government via the religious attaché at the Turkish embassy in The Hague. The diplomat is often at the NGO’s offices and accompanies it on trips. He appears to be its de facto leader. Yet the NGO, which also receives subsidies from the Dutch government, says it is independent. Turkey is a secular state but it has a government department, the famous Diyanet, which essentially controls Islam in the country. In other words, the link to a foreign power is very real and direct. One wonders how widespread this influence is across Europe – in an EU which only ever complains about Russian interference, real or imagined, but which never mentions the American, Israeli or, in this case, Turkish role in national politics.<a href="https://fvdinternational.com/">Read Tom’s article here</a><img src="/uploads/image_a13cc2b411.png">FVD is sponsoring a pan-European cultural-political initiative organised by a German friend and under the patronage of Leo Hohenberg, the great-grandson of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, whose assassination triggered the First World War. Apart from his historic lineage, Prince Leo is a lucid analyst of the ills which beset our world. Stefan Korte, the organiser of the initiative, is convinced that Europe’s ills must be attacked at their cultural and civilisational root - which is more or less exactly what FVD’s leader, Thierry Baudet, has been saying for years. The initiative’s first conference will take place in Vienna in April. If you want to attend, sign up&nbsp;<a href="https://uturnforeurope.com/index_en.html">here</a>.<a href="https://fvdinternational.com/article/european-cultural-initiative-founded-under-habsburg-patronage">Read about the initiative here</a>

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The Weekly Forum - 21 March 2026

European Cultural Initiative Founded under Habsburg Patronage Dresden, 7 March 2026Under the patronage of Prince Leo von Hohenberg, great-grandson of the Austrian heir apparent Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria-Este, founders from six European countries have established the "Support Association for the U-Turn for Europe Foundation" in Dresden. The association is currently undergoing registration proceedings with the Register of Associations and is intended to form the long-term foundation for a European cultural foundation.Europe in a Crisis of Orientation – Culture as the AnswerBehind the founding stands a clear diagnosis: Europe finds itself not only in a political or economic crisis but above all in a cultural and intellectual crisis of orientation. The U-Turn for Europe initiative aims to counteract this, through the promotion of European culture, cultural education, and the preservation of the continent's historical and intellectual heritage."Political debates frequently remain superficial. Without awareness of Europe's cultural and moral foundations, any responsible shaping of our continent lacks the necessary depth," says Stefan Korte, initiator and association chairman.Prominent Founders, European FoundationThat a project concerning Europe's cultural future must also rest on a genuine European foundation was a central concern for Korte from the outset. The seven founding members come from six different European countries – a deliberate signal.Prince Leo von Hohenberg assumes not only the patronage but also the chairmanship of the Board of Trustees, which is to accompany the cultural and strategic orientation of the initiative. His willingness to participate lends the project a historical dimension: the House of Habsburg is historically closely linked to the political and cultural history of Central Europe.General (ret.) Valdas Tutkus, former Commander-in-Chief of the Lithuanian Armed Forces and one of the defining military figures of modern Lithuania, was elected deputy association chairman. Tutkus brings extensive international experience in security and strategic policy matters."Europe is more than a political or economic project. It is a historically evolved cultural space and we must engage with its intellectual foundations if we wish to speak seriously about its future," states Korte.Cultural Re-rooting of EuropeIn terms of content, U-Turn for Europe advocates for a cultural re-rooting of Europe. Central to this is the heritage of Christian Western civilisation, which has shaped fundamental European values such as human dignity, freedom, responsibility, and civic spirit over centuries and, in the initiators' conviction, must be brought back more strongly into public consciousness.In addition to concrete cultural projects and educational initiatives, the initiative plans to establish a European think tank that will develop analyses, studies, and public debates on questions of European culture, identity, and geopolitical developments in the long term.First Conference in Vienna in AprilThe initiative will set its first public signal on 11 and 12 April 2026: the first U-Turn for Europe Values Conference will take place in Vienna, to which prominent figures from culture, academia, and public life from across Europe are expected.The association expressly understands itself as a non-partisan and charitable initiative with the aim of building a European network and initiating cultural projects and intellectual debates on Europe's future in the long term.Further information:<a href="http://www.uturnforeurope.com/">&nbsp;www.uturnforeurope.com</a> Press contact: Stefan Korte +49 176 620 903 07 contact@uturnforeurope.com<img src="/uploads/image_ffd8d83d74.png"> &nbsp;

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European Cultural Initiative Founded under Habsburg Patronage

The influence of foreign powers on organisations in the Netherlands has long been a cause for concern. This is particularly the case when institutions present themselves as independent, while at the same time appearing to maintain close ties with foreign governments. Recent reporting has once again raised questions about such influence, this time concerning the Islamic Foundation Netherlands (ISN).According to an article by GeenStijl, a Turkish diplomat, religious attaché Ömer Özgül of the Turkish embassy, is said to play a prominent role within ISN. This is remarkable because the foundation previously told the House of Representatives that it operates independently and that Turkish diplomatic influence would be kept out of the organisation.At the same time, it appears that the Dutch government, through the Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, has cooperated with ISN and provided subsidies for activities and research. This raises questions about the independence of those projects, but also about the diligence with which the government entered into this cooperation.For Forum for Democracy, one principle is central: organisations that are under the influence of foreign states should play no role in policy-making, research, or subsidy schemes of the Dutch government.For that reason, Member of Parliament Russcher has submitted written questions to the Minister of Foreign Affairs. He seeks clarity about the role of the Turkish diplomat within ISN, the earlier commitments to reduce Turkish influence, and the subsidies which the Dutch government has granted to this foundation. He also asks whether an investigation should be launched into the role of the Turkish Diyanet (the Presidency of Religious Affairs) and whether the diplomatic status of the attaché should be reconsidered.Questions from the member Russcher (FVD) to the Minister of Foreign Affairs concerning the central role of a Turkish diplomat within the supposedly independent Islamic Foundation Netherlands, and the subsidies the ministry has granted to this foundation.<ol><li>Are you familiar with the reporting by GeenStijl showing that the Turkish diplomat Ömer Özgül plays a central role within the Islamic Foundation Netherlands (ISN), while ISN claims to be an autonomous and independent organisation?</li><li>Can you confirm that Mr Özgül, as the official religious attaché of the Turkish embassy, is regularly present at ISN’s premises and also travels abroad with ISN delegations, including to Ankara?</li><li>How does the presence of a Turkish diplomat as a de facto leader within ISN relate to the promise ISN made to the House of Representatives in 2020 to exclude Turkish diplomatic influence from the organisation?</li><li>Why has the Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, through the Knowledge Platform Inclusive Society (Kennisplatform Inclusief Samenleven), cooperated with and granted subsidies to a foundation that appears to be so closely connected to the Turkish state?</li><li>Does the minister agree that funding research through a foundation that is under the influence of a foreign power seriously undermines the objectivity and reliability of that research?</li><li>What due diligence did the ministry carry out before cooperating with ISN, and why was the known history of Turkish interference not taken into account?</li><li>Is the minister willing to suspend all subsidy relationships with ISN and the ISN Academy with immediate effect until full clarity exists regarding the extent of Turkish state influence within this organisation?</li><li>Is the minister willing to ask the AIVD to draw up an updated threat assessment regarding the role of the Turkish Diyanet and affiliated organisations in the Netherlands, and to inform the House about this?</li><li>Are you prepared to reassess the diplomatic status of Mr Özgül in light of his activities outside the embassy, and, if necessary, take steps towards the Turkish embassy?</li></ol>

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Turkish diplomat heavily involved in the 'independent' Islamic Foundation Netherlands.

12 March 2026For years, often during election season, the same slogans have been heard from the liberal-centrist VVD People’s Party: asylum inflow must decrease, rejected asylum seekers must leave, the Netherlands must regain control, and so on. But last week in Strasbourg it once again became clear how hollow those phrases are. When the European Parliament voted on the&nbsp;<a href="https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/A-10-2026-0048_EN.html">return regulation</a>, a law that would expand deportation policies for asylum seekers without the right to stay, the VVD abstained from voting. Worse still, in the months beforehand the party had actively tried to weaken that very law.The VVD has consistently used migration as a political crowbar. In 2017, Mark Rutte declared that people unwilling to adapt to Dutch norms were not welcome here, in an&nbsp;<a href="https://wnl.tv/2017/01/23/mark-rutte-normaal-ga-weg">open letter</a> widely circulated as an election pamphlet. In 2023, Dilan Yeşilgöz, then party leader, said that “<a href="https://www.bnr.nl/nieuws/politiek/10526220/dilan-yesilgoz-migratie-overkomt-ons">the inflow of migrants is overwhelming us</a>,” as if migration were an inexplicable and uncontrollable natural phenomenon, like gravity. In its&nbsp;<a href="https://www.vvd.nl/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/Verkiezingsprogramma-TK-VVD2025.pdf">2025 election programme</a> the VVD went further: spontaneous asylum applications would no longer be processed at all, only resettlement through selection would remain. Meanwhile, party leader Ruben Brekelmans stated during the debate on the government declaration on 25 February that the VVD “naturally wants to reduce the number of migrants entering our country. We always advocate that and we always work toward it. Asylum inflow must go down.”<h3>From rhetoric to policy</h3>The irony is striking: the VVD has been in power since 2010 and during this period&nbsp;<a href="https://www.cbs.nl/nl-nl/visualisaties/dashboard-bevolking/bevolkingsgroei/immigratie">millions of migrants</a> have come to the Netherlands. This is not surprising. Despite all the tough words, the VVD has in fact facilitated migration.For example, in December 2018 the United Nations Migration Pact of Marrakech was&nbsp;<a href="https://www.eerstekamer.nl/verslag/20181218/verslag">approved</a> by the Dutch government (Rutte III), after being defended by VVD State Secretary Mark Harbers. This pact calls on countries to expand legal migration routes and grants migrants access to various services.Eric van der Burg, VVD State Secretary for Asylum and Migration in the Rutte IV cabinet,&nbsp;<a href="https://www.volkskrant.nl/politiek/eric-van-der-burg-haalt-alles-uit-de-kast-voor-zijn-spreidingswet-en-wint-ik-slijm-me-te-barsten-vandaag~b4a7e03e/?referrer=https%3A%2F%2Ffvd.nl%2F">shaped</a> the so-called “Distribution Act” (Spreidingswet). This law obliges municipalities to receive a certain number of asylum seekers based on population size, thereby embedding the reception of asylum seekers as a permanent municipal responsibility. The Tweede Kamer approved the proposal in October 2023.<h3>European migration approach</h3>At the European level as well, little remains of the VVD’s tough rhetoric.&nbsp;<a href="https://www.europarl.europa.eu/pdfs/news/expert/2023/10/story/20230704STO02012/20230704STO02012_nl.pdf">Currently, four out of five rejected asylum seekers remain illegally in the EU.</a> The European Commission proposed in March 2025 a binding return regulation intended to make it easier for member states to deport these individuals.Malik Azmani, the VVD’s leader in the European Parliament and appointed as rapporteur on behalf of the Parliament, then drafted his own proposal.His&nbsp;<a href="https://ecre.org/european-parliament-draft-report-on-return-regulation/">version</a> was noticeably weaker than the Commission’s proposal: he made voluntary return a mandatory first step before forced measures could be used. This lengthens the procedure and makes swift return more difficult in practice. Additionally, detention for migration purposes, the mechanism that allows authorities to hold individuals who may abscond until deportation, was framed strictly as a last resort. Azmani therefore proposed a maximum detention period of 12 months, compared with the 24 months in the original proposal.Right-wing parties in the European Parliament subsequently submitted a&nbsp;<a href="https://brusselsenieuwe.nl/strengere-terugkeerwet-uitgeprocedeerde-asielzoekers-haalt-meerderheid-met-steun-van-radicaal-rechts/">stricter counterproposal</a>: no automatic suspension during appeals, children no longer excluded from return hubs, and a maximum detention period of 24 months. That proposal passed on 6 March by 396 votes to 226. Notably, Azmani abstained from the vote.<h3>The ‘right-wing’ coalition partner</h3>Moreover,&nbsp;<a href="https://www.kabinetsformatie2025.nl/documenten/2026/01/30/aan-de-slag---coalitieakkoord-2026-2030">the coalition agreement</a>, drafted partly with the VVD, contains no structural solutions to the migration issue. Some proposals even facilitate migration. For instance, the Central Agency for the Reception of Asylum-seekers (COA) is enabled to create sufficient structural and flexible reception capacity, while the Distribution Act remains in place.However, the agreement does not mention remigration or a potential withdrawal from the European Union, meaning that migration will likely remain one of the major challenges in the long term, once again under VVD policy.One could say the VVD does not follow through on its bold campaign statements. That last part, failing to follow through, is correct. But are the VVD’s statements even that bold? After all, they merely call for limiting immigration, while remigration is what the Netherlands truly needs. According to this view, that is the only way to ensure that Dutch citizens do not eventually become a minority in their own country.This, proponents argue, is what Forum voor Democratie (FVD) consistently advocates: not only reducing inflow, but actively promoting remigration of those who do not belong here.The VVD speaks of control but lets go. It speaks of return but facilitates residence. It presents itself as critical of migration, yet signs the Marrakech Migration Pact, created the Distribution Act, and fails in the EU to push through genuinely stricter migration policies. This is the VVD’s election mask: just before elections, win votes with strong language that resonates with the public, and then, over 15 years, allow more than three million migrants to enter the country.Fortunately, more and more people are beginning to distinguish between these two faces of the VVD. The mask is starting to fall. And this week, Dutch voters will have the opportunity to respond at the municipal elections on 18 March.

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VVD campaigns for a stricter migration policy but refuses stricter return laws in the EU

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FVD is a anti-globalist political party in the Netherlands founded and led by Thierry Baudet. John Laughland (right) is director of FVD International.

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