For years, Forum for Democracy has been working day and night to be more than just a political party – to be a genuine&nbsp;social movement&nbsp;which is building, across the board, the cultural, economic and political change necessary for the survival of our people and our civilisation.Together with what are now nearly 80,000 (!) members, we are building our economic network, our publishing house, our network of farmers, our youth wing, our international contacts, our Renaissance Institute and… our own education system.&nbsp;I have often explained why this is so important: in a democracy, power does not lie in one place. The House of Representatives, the government: ultimately, they cannot change anything if the entire ‘upper echelons’ of society are moving in a different direction.&nbsp;Since the 1960s, our opponents have systematically built a sophisticated network in which like-minded people constantly pass the ball to one another.Whether it be the mainstream media, schools and universities with their ideological influence over the younger generation and their so-called ‘experts’, the spokespeople for large corporations, the lobbies that supposedly speak ‘on behalf’ of the agricultural sector, employers or the cultural sector, the civil servants who allocate subsidies or the ‘art popes’ who award literary prizes:&nbsp;everywhere we see the same ‘pensée unique’. The same opinions, the same ideology — the same eco-phobic mindset that is causing our beautiful country to hurtle ever closer to the abyss.<img src="/uploads/image_909a669235.png">Electoral success is largely ‘granted’ to political players who dance to the tune of these real power networks. And once you’ve been elected, you hit a brick wall of forces that will force you into their straitjacket.&nbsp;Look at how Trump was forced to start that fateful war against Iran. Look at how Liz Truss in the United Kingdom was forced to resign when she sought to go against the interests of the City. Look at how the PVV and BBB parties were undermined by civil servants, ‘experts’, nitrogen professors, Extinction Rebellion protesters, striking professional groups, and so on.Our generational project stands or falls on our ability to form a comparable social community. It stands or falls on our ability to circulate funds within our own ecosystem. To train our own civil servants, to produce our own specialists and talking heads: to become economically, socially, culturally, intellectually and financially strong. To build a pillar, in short.And make no mistake: it is precisely because we are doing this – and are fundamentally different from all other parties ‘on the right’ in this respect – that they are constantly trying to frame us. It is not just about our positions: it is about our method. We have seen through their trick. We are building something that will soon be able to bring about a real change.<img src="/uploads/image_e757a3b9b9.png">And today we have some very special news to share with you from the ‘front line of the movement’.&nbsp;It is an&nbsp;absolute milestone&nbsp;in the development of our own ‘pillar’: it is now definitively certain that in August our very own primary school – fully funded by the State! – will open its doors!&nbsp;You heard right: a school based on our philosophy of life is on its way.&nbsp;And, of course, we’re starting with Year 1 – for children aged 4 to 5 – for whom a complete primary education curriculum is already in place. Let’s ensure that this class can eventually progress to our own secondary school — and who knows, perhaps one day to our own university.&nbsp;<img src="/uploads/image_248a9efb53.png"> &nbsp;The Renaissance School is unlike any other school currently in the Netherlands.&nbsp;It is built on the conviction that the old Europe was better than the new. We place the focus on music, the arts and the excellence of days gone by. We maintain small classes of no more than 15 pupils.Old-fashioned attention to basic skills such as mental arithmetic and writing with a pen.&nbsp;Beautiful school uniforms (created, of course, by an FVD entrepreneur).&nbsp;We offer separate learning pathways for boys and girls – because we recognise the biological differences between the sexes.&nbsp;No iPads, no computers. A hot lunch at midday. And a large map of the Dutch East Indies at the entrance. In short, everything in our school is dedicated to the Old European World, which we wish to preserve insofar as it still exists, but above all to bring back – just like a true renaissance.SIGN UP TO SUPPORT THIS INITIATIVE!Parents.&nbsp;Do you have children aged 4 to 5?&nbsp;<a href="https://renaissanceschool.nl/aanmelden/school-almere/">Come to our open days</a>, book an introductory meeting, and sign up for our newsletter!&nbsp;Teachers.&nbsp;Come and join our teaching team! Respond to our job vacancies and&nbsp;<a href="http://renaissanceschool.nl/vacatures/">come along for an interview</a>! Don’t live nearby? No problem! We can help you find suitable accommodation.Donors.&nbsp;Become part of our community and&nbsp;<a href="http://renaissanceschool.nl/doneren">give generously</a>! Although the school offers fully subsidised education, we rely on the support of friends and like-minded people to continue building our school. Your donation makes teaching materials, extracurricular activities, cultural excursions and expansion to new locations possible.<img src="/uploads/image_640b9c303f.png">We’d also like&nbsp;to help you set up a new Renaissance School elsewhere in the country,&nbsp;or design a suitable home-schooling programme. Our specialist team is on hand to help you navigate these processes. Please contact us at<a href="http://www.renaissanceschool.nl/aanmelden">www.renaissanceschool.nl/aanmelden</a> and we’ll put you in touch with like-minded people and those with relevant expertise.A huge thank you to everyone who has made this possible.Thierry Baudet<img src="/uploads/image_321272dbbb.png">

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A message from Thierry Baudet: our project will succeed or fail based on our ability to create our own community

Following the change of government in Hungary, a new push is underway in the EU to abolish the national veto in the few areas where there still is one. This push is supported by the Dutch government but firmly opposed by Forum for Democracy. It will simply be the final nail in the coffin, as Ralf Dekker MP admirably explained in a recent speech. The EU is a colossal mechanism for wealth extraction, taking money from richer states and giving it to poorer. The amount of money sucked out of the Netherlands runs into the hundreds of billions of euros and will rise to a trillion by 2050. None of this can be justified economically or politically. Instead, FVD wants Nexit.Watch Ralf Dekker’s speech&nbsp;<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e7dv2lfJCpQ">here</a><img src="/uploads/image_f1dc5ed7ba.png">Above all, the EU is becoming a military alliance, whereas its original goals were economic. This is highly dangerous, since it is evolving into a bloc. Instead of seeking détente with the biggest country in Europe, ‘Europe’ is on the path to confrontation and war. What started out as a peace project has become a war project. When Russia invaded Ukraine, the EU’s and NATO’s initial position was that it would provide support but not weapons. Very quickly, this was abandoned – huge numbers of tanks, fighter jets, long-range missiles and other weapons have been sent. NATO is now up to its neck in the war. Provoking Russia ever more insistently is evidently its and Ukraine’s strategy. Are we not already at war with Russia, Ralf Dekker MP asked in committee. Is that what we want? Watch Ralf Dekker’s speech&nbsp;<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7GfG3V7804I">here</a><img src="/uploads/image_99139ca1ba.png">As Europe gears up for war with Russia, it seems also to be creating the conditions for civil war at home. Asylum seekers pour into Europe by the thousands every day – 1,000 per week into the Netherlands alone. Syrians who ‘fled Assad’ remain unrepatriated and often attack shopkeepers in Utrecht and Amsterdam. The EU Migration Pact has entered into force which will naturally continue to promote migration and prevent remigration. When will this stop? At what point will governments decide this is unsustainable? Tom Russcher MP put all these questions to the Dutch minister in committee.&nbsp;&nbsp;Watch Tom Russcher’s speech&nbsp;<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N-QVGfYUAjE">here</a><img src="/uploads/image_c10adefb3b.png">FVD International’s director, John Laughland, attended and spoke at a Remigration Summit in Oslo on 13 June. He laid out the various policy reforms which are essential to bring it about – economic, legal and demographic. The current dysfunctionality of our tax and monetary systems – both of them short-termist - are a direct cause of the most short-termist policy of all, mass migration. Like so much of our policy today, it is based on privatising the profits and socialising the losses, an unsustainable policy mix which will destroy us from within.Watch John Laughland’s speech&nbsp;<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NcC4FiPHLEU">here</a><img src="/uploads/image_76cc005e13.png">The wonderful Pascal Lottaz was our guest on The Forum this week. A lecturer in politics at Kyoto University, the young Swiss academic also runs the highly successful Neutrality Studies podcast. We discussed the likely fall-out from the war in Iran.&nbsp;&nbsp;Watch The Forum with Pascal Lottaz&nbsp;<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BCRyvhAGHmk">here</a>

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The Weekly Forum - 18 June 2026

Machiavelli has been drastically distorted. Many people including scholars all over the world think that Machiavelli was an unethical and unreligious person. I have to argue that Machiavelli was not only a Christian but his ideas and theories are closely linked with his Christian spirituality Indeed, a few Scholars in recent years have revised their interests to study the link between Machiavelli’s political theories and Republican Christianity during his lifetime.The Renaissance in Italy gave rise to Humanism and cultural transformation. However, it did not cut the tie with God completely in Machiavelli’s heart. To Machiavelli, state and faith are linked. Caritas is a key Christian virtue. It means unconditional and sacrificial love. A totally committed love for common good is Caritas. Machiavelli views that unconditional love for one’s fatherland as Caritas. Patriotism is a form and process of charity, leading to perfect Caritas. Every person and citizen should be patriotic so that he will become more God-like.&nbsp;Further, Machiavelli accepted the Christian ideal that one should have God’s friendship like Moses. God’s friendship is a grace. Once having God’s friendship, a person can talk to God. God was unwilling to do everything on one’s behalf but His aid was decisive in assuring success. Under this theological logic, if all the people are truly patriotic and love their fatherland, God would certainly help the Italian people to redeem their homeland as they will have friendship with God.Should a Christian pursue glory? Machiavelli distinguished between glory and fame. As mentioned above, God will not do everything for people. If people carry out great works of redemption, it is always due to God. The great works are not personal glory but fame due to God. Hence, people including leaders or citizens should strive for fame not glory. Machiavelli defines his own hierarchy of fame. The most praised are those who have been heads of orders of religions. Next are those who have founded or reformed either republics and kingdoms. The more fame they achieve, the more they become God-like.According to the theological cosmology of Machiavelli, this universe moves in cycles and everything will return to its beginning. He writes:“There is nothing more true than that all the things of this world have a limit to their existence, but those only run the entire course for them by Heaven that do not allow their body to become disorganized, but keep it unchanged in the manner ordained, or if they change it, so do it shall be for their advantage, and not to their injury. …. such as republics or religious sects, I say that those changes are beneficial that bring them back to their original principles.”Interestingly, his cosmology is very similar to ideas of Lao Tsz, the founder of Taoist Philosophy School of Ancient China. According to Lao Tsz, everything follows the Tao, that is it rises and then declines to the beginning in a cycle. Any state or political institution has a tendency to move in deviation from the good origin so that changes are necessary to hold back such tendency in order to keep track of the origin. The world is not static and changes are inevitable. However, God gives us the choice to make good changes.This explains why a ruler or statesman who makes reforms to redeem a state from deterioration will have the friendship with God for help. To Machiavelli, changes with reform statecraft are essential. This is similar to the philosophy of the Legalist School in Ancient China. Internal reform is necessary to safeguard statehood and even security against foreign invasion. The Chinese Legalists emphasized on reform in law and institutions. Likewise Machiavelli writes:“If Rome wished to preserve her liberty in the midst of the corruption, she should have modified her constitution, in like manner as in the progress of her existence she had made new laws; for institutions and forms should be adopted to the subject….. But as the constitution of a state, when once it has been discovered to be no longer suitable, should be amended, either all at once, or by degrees as each defect becomes known.”Machiavelli was very concerned about corruption as he understood fully that a state’s weakness stems from enemies within. Surprisingly, the best means to prevent corruption is not law and punishment. It is religion. He writes:“Princes and republics who wished to maintain themselves free from corruption must above all things preserve the purity of all religious observances, and treat them with proper reverence, for there is no greater indication of the ruin of a country than to see religion condemned.”Certainly, Machiavelli hoped that both leaders and citizens would have true and devoted faith, rather than treat religion as a formality or as an institution for wealth and power only. Government and politicians should gain insights from Machiavelli’s wisdom on how contemporary policies have ruined Christianity, particularly in the West.&nbsp;Many people objected to Machiavelli’s ideas about drastic and cruel measures. We should not rush to a conclusion.He writes about cruelty:“Some may wonder how it was that Agathocles and others like him, after their infinite treason and cruelty, could live for any length of time securely in the countries whose sovereignty they had usurped, and even defend themselves successfully against external enemies, without any attempts on the part of their own citizens to conspire against them….cruelty was well or ill applied; we call well applied when it is committed once from necessity for self-preservation, and afterwards not persisted in, but converted as far as possible to the public good … Those who adopt the first practice may remedy their condition before God.”Cruelty is also related to disorder, as Machiavelli writes:“To restore order among the inhabitants and obedience to the sovereign, it was necessary to establish a good and vigorous government there. And for this purpose he appointed as governor of that province Don Ramiro d’Orco, a man of cruelty, but at the same time of great energy, to whom he gave plenary power. In a very short time d’Orco reduced the province to peace and order, thereby gaining for himself the highest reputation.”Hence, for Machiavelli, drastic and cruel measures applied skilfully and with prudence are permitted by God to solve the disorders and chaos in a state and society.&nbsp;In conclusion, people misunderstood Machiavelli as a secular thinker. In fact, his ideas are shaped by Christian faith and cosmology. Virtues and values are of paramount importance to understand his politics and statecraft.&nbsp;

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Machiavelli and his statecraft from God

Reviewed by Edgard FrederixA book on the crisis of leadership in a civilisation losing confidence in itselfIn ‘What the World Can Learn from the Fall of the West,’ Dutch political philosopher Sid Lukkassen offers a sweeping and provocative diagnosis of our contemporary political and social order. This is not a conventional political book concerned merely with elections, parties, or policy. Lukkassen aims far deeper. His real subject is civilisational decline: the erosion of cultural resilience and cohesion, democratic legitimacy, and the capacity of Western societies to defend themselves, both physically and morally.The title of the book, inspired by Oswald Spengler’s prophetic masterpiece ‘The Decline of the West’, contains a keyword with a double meaning. The ‘fall’ of the West refers not only to collapse but also to autumn – the season in which vitality fades and winter approaches. According to Lukkassen, Europe has entered precisely such a phase of erosion: wealthy and technologically advanced, yet internally exhausted, fragmented, and gradually devoid of purpose and self-confidence.&nbsp;At the centre of his argument lies the idea of&nbsp;metapolitics: the belief that real power does not primarily reside in parliaments but in key institutions which shape perception and define acceptable thought. Universities, media organisations, bureaucracies, NGOs, and cultural organisations constitute what Lukkassen calls ‘the Citadel’ – a largely self-reinforcing network dominated by progressive ideology, unaffected by the outcome of elections. Political debates, in his view, are already framed long before citizens cast their votes.This institutional dominance, he argues, emerged through what Marxist thinker Antonio Gramsci once described as ‘the long march through the institutions’. Since the classical proletarian revolution predicted by Karl Marx never materialised, the battlefield shifted from economics to culture. Ideological struggles are therefore no longer centred primarily on class, but on identity, morality, and historical legitimacy.Lukkassen’s critique of what is often labelled ‘Cultural Marxism’ forms a controversial yet central part of the book. He argues that modern Western societies increasingly interpret themselves through categories of oppression and victimhood, leading to tribalism and a permanent deconstruction of their own traditions, identities, and historical narratives. Concepts such as diversity, equity, and inclusion cease to function merely as social ideals and become instruments – even weapons – in a broader struggle over moral legitimacy and cultural power.Whether one fully agrees with this interpretation or not, Lukkassen succeeds in identifying something real about the current climate: many political conflicts today are no longer disputes over policy, but over competing moral universes. Opponents are treated not as people who are mistaken, but as people who are morally reprehensible. That leaves no room whatsoever for compromise and appeasement.&nbsp;One of the strengths of the book is that it reveals a broader cultural framework in which seemingly separate phenomena become connected: the rise of identity politics and declining democratic trust, mass immigration and falling birth rates, ecological alarmism and expanding government control are all presented as interconnected symptoms of a deeper loss of cohesion and confidence. Lukkassen’s reflections on technology and media are particularly compelling. In a world flooded by information, the capacity for sustained attention and independent thought becomes rarer. Citizens are overwhelmed by noise, while large organisations and technology platforms gain unprecedented influence over perception and behaviour. Democracy itself, he argues, becomes a hollow shell when political communication is reduced to spectacle, branding, and emotional manipulation.This concern leads to one of the book’s most intriguing concepts: Caesarism. According to Lukkassen, when democracy loses credibility and appears incapable of decisive action, societies become susceptible to charismatic anti-establishment figures who bypass political norms and govern through personality, symbolism, and direct emotional connection with the public. Donald Trump serves as Lukkassen’s primary example of such a modern-day Caesar.&nbsp;Here, Lukkassen makes an important observation: the rise of populist, disruptive leaders cannot be understood only as a cause of political instability; they are also symptoms of a deeper crisis of representation. When citizens feel that elections change little and that real power resides elsewhere, disruption itself becomes attractive.The style of the book is also intriguing. Lukkassen could be described as an academic activist, which is something relatively common on the political left, but far rarer on the right, where the author himself is situated. The book seems to move between two genres. On the one hand, it presents itself as a broad intellectual and scholarly analysis, supported by extensive references and historical parallels. On the other hand, it increasingly evolves into something closer to a political manifesto, a powerful call to action – an appeal for cultural resistance and economic and social disengagement that echoes Ayn Rand’s idea of withdrawal from a system perceived as irredeemably corrupt.This tension is not necessarily a weakness; indeed, it partly explains the book’s energy and urgency. Yet it also leaves certain questions unresolved. The proposed remedy – the construction of a parallel “breakaway society” outside the dominant institutions – remains largely abstract and difficult to imagine without some form of societal collapse. While the institutional imbalance is scrutinised in considerable detail, the practical mechanics of such an alternative remain far less clear. As a result, Lukkassen’s work is perhaps strongest as a diagnosis of present tensions rather than as a concrete political roadmap.Yet even readers who remain unconvinced by some of his conclusions will find it difficult to dismiss the broader questions he raises about cultural identity, democratic legitimacy, social cohesion, and the future direction of liberal democracies.What makes Lukkassen intellectually interesting is not merely his criticism of the contemporary West, but the uncomfortable questions he forces the reader to confront. Can liberal democracies survive when citizens no longer share a common moral framework and become tribalised? Can democratic systems function when power increasingly migrates toward technocratic, supranational, and digital structures beyond direct public control? And perhaps most importantly: can our way of life survive once it loses belief in its own validity, authority, and destiny?To me, this book illustrates how the decline of leadership can lead to civilisational decline. Many contemporary leaders have lost the confidence of the people because they no longer represent the opinions, interests, and aspirations of the wider population, but primarily those of their own elite bubble, ‘the Citadel’. It is therefore no surprise that the author frequently refers to Christopher Lasch, a left-leaning intellectual whose writings I have always admired, and who warned more than thirty years ago about the growing detachment of elites from society.Ultimately, ‘What the World Can Learn from the Fall of the West’ is less a neutral political analysis than a civilisational warning. It is both provocative and analytical. Lukkassen writes with urgency, conviction, and a willingness to articulate ideas that many mainstream commentators avoid.Whether one sees the book as an insightful diagnosis or excessive pessimism will largely depend on one’s own assumptions about the state of the West itself.But one thing is difficult to deny: it is a book that will certainly challenge you, trigger a reaction, and consequently demand a response, in one way or another. What the book will not do is leave you indifferent.&nbsp;You can get ‘What the World Can Learn from the Fall of the West’ by Sid Lukkassen&nbsp;<a href="https://www.bol.com/nl/nl/f/what-the-world-can-learn-from-the-fall-of-the-west/9300000209136647/">here</a>.

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What the World Can Learn from the Fall of the West - by Sid Lukkassen

Lidewij de Vos’ magnificent speech to the Remigration Summit in Oporto is now online. Her message was simple: I am not afraid. She encouraged the attendees to stop living in fear – in fear of being labelled as this or that, in fear of being demonised. Fear, she said, is our opponents’ only weapon. She said she was speaking out for remigration because she wants to protect the future of the baby she is expecting. She regards it as her duty to do this - for herself, for her family and for her country. The British art historian, Kenneth Clarke, famously said that civilisations die when they lose self-confidence. Lidewij de Vos, and FVD generally, embody precisely that fearless self-confidence which is essential for our civilisation’s survival. That, indeed, is FVD’s political goal.Watch Lidewij’s speech&nbsp;<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tAt9EUP9CCY">here</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;<img src="/uploads/image_4d932f07f3.png">A perfect example of the smear tactics Lidewij said she no longer fears was given after she returned from Oporto. In Parliament, following a speech she delivered, MP after MP lined up to label her views ‘extreme right’, ‘disgusting’ or even ‘filth’. Lidewij batted away these ridiculous attacks effortlessly. She then turned the table on her accusers, who claimed that she condoned or encouraged violence, by repeating that she supports peaceful protest and precisely wants an end to the terrible and repeated acts of violence committed against Europeans by asylum seekers. We have made a compilation of Lidewij’s speech in Parliament, the attacks from her colleagues, and various news reports so that people comprehend the scale of the gulf which separates FVD from the political cartel which is determined to demonise and even destroy the very nation it pretends to represent.Watch the compilation&nbsp;<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uqIL7GZQjYM">here</a><img src="/uploads/image_1049dfe2d9.png">As a result of all this, Lidewij’s and FVD’s international profile is growing. She was interviewed this week by Junge Freiheit, the well-established conservative newspaper in Germany. We have translated the interview into English. It is a sympathetic portrait in which Lidewij lays out with clarity what FVD is all about.Read Lidewij’s interview&nbsp;<a href="https://fvdinternational.com/article/from-biochemistry-and-music-to-politics">here</a><img src="/uploads/image_60784ff2ac.png">FVD International’s director, John Laughland, was a speaker at the St Petersburg International Economic Forum this year, on a panel discussing whether there is any role for diplomacy in today’s chaotic world. John used the panel to present and develop Emmanuel Todd’s thesis that nihilism is the cause of the defeat of the West. Nihilism is the belief in nothing – the belief that nothing can be something and that reality can be created by thought. It is at the origin of Europe’s systemic politics of illusion – the belief that a man can become a woman, the belief that artificial states like Bosnia or Kosovo, or for that matter Ukraine, can have a genuine autonomous existence. Trapped inside a deeply ideological view of the world, European leaders are essentially incapable of diplomacy, which involves give and take and the language of interests, instead of the moral framing which – see the remarks about Lidewij above – infects all European political activity.Watch John’s speech&nbsp;<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HyqTSd6NYAY">here</a><img src="/uploads/image_363823c11f.png">Our guest on The Forum this week was Alex Krainer, the former commodities trader turned geopolitical analyst. Alex is convinced that war is driven by banks seeking out ever new sources of collateral on which to issue ever more stratospheric levels of debt. They seek this collateral mainly in the form of the control over territory and natural resources. Alex is convinced that the West’s defeats in Ukraine and Iran mean that the latest grab by the financial system has failed and the house of cards can only collapse sooner or later. If you missed the show, watch back.Watch The Forum&nbsp;<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=opLWs1yQSGw">here</a>

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The Weekly Forum - 11 June 2026

Dutch young politician de Vos: “I saw my homeland disappearing”<a href="https://jungefreiheit.de/kategorie/debatte/interview/">Interview</a> with Lidewij de Vos,&nbsp;<a href="https://jungefreiheit.de/debatte/interview/2026/niederlaendische-jungpolitikerin-de-vos-ich-sah-meine-heimat-verschwinden/">Junge Freiheit</a>, 7 June 2026 by Curd-Torsten Weick and Mina Buts.Like Germany, the Netherlands is also grappling with the consequences of mass migration. In an interview with the JF, 28-year-old FVD parliamentary group leader Lidewij de Vos reveals what kind of political change is needed in Europe.Dear Ms de Vos, how does a young biochemist and musician end up in politics?<a href="https://x.com/lidewij_devos">Lidewij de Vos</a>: I sometimes ask myself that too. Science and music are two wonderful subjects, and I could happily have devoted my working life to them, had it not been for the political reality that forced itself upon me: mass immigration, which threatens our security, our welfare and, above all, our homeland; the ever-expanding EU, which is eroding our sovereignty; and ideological fallacies such as the climate and ‘woke’ agendas, which increase the state’s influence over us on a daily basis. I saw my homeland disappearing before my very eyes.Why did you join the Forum for Democracy (FVD) party specifically, and not Geert Wilders’ PVV?de Vos: From the outset, the PVV was a&nbsp;<a href="https://jungefreiheit.de/politik/ausland/2026/geert-wilders-pvv-fraktion-zerbricht-nach-streit/">one-man project led by Geert Wilders,</a> who never intended to build an organisation.&nbsp;<a href="https://jungefreiheit.de/politik/ausland/2025/hollands-sozialliberale-entdecken-die-nationalflagge-fuer-sichhollands-sozialliberale-entdecken-die-nationalflagge-fuer-sich-sonntag-frei-kont/">Thierry Baudet,</a> however, wanted to do just that. Right from the start, Forum was a movement rather than a party. FVD seeks not only a political but also a cultural shift; one follows from the other. We are not an ‘anti’ party, as the PVV often presents itself, but have a positive vision of the Netherlands which we also want to put into practice.<img src="/uploads/image_0f2426052c.png">We saw this in the previous cabinet with the PVV: even as the largest party, which also provided the Minister for Migration, there was no noticeable change. The driving forces behind the migration agenda are found right down to the lowest levels in ministries and hidden within countless NGOs and other action groups. If we want to combat them, we need our own people: we must nurture talent, create a network and, above all, establish our own institutions.What does that mean?de Vos: We are creating a movement. We organise “Renaissance Academies” for young talent both within and outside politics, we are starting our very first primary school next year, we run a publishing house and many other projects. It may be a long-term process, but it is our only chance.How do you engage with young people in the Netherlands?de Vos: Young people are growing up in a system that does not motivate them or encourage them to make the most of themselves. Mediocrity prevails, partly due to the quality of teaching, where the lowest common denominator counts. There is a strong urge among young people to overcome this mediocrity, but they often don’t know how to go about it. The activities of our youth organisation, JFVD, are designed precisely for this purpose. It is exciting to see how young people are striving to surpass themselves.Whether it is asking a clever question at a reading, presenting a topic to a large group, or testing their mettle in sport and games. It is infectious, motivating and has enormous appeal for young people. Excellence is good, competition is good, but good is not good enough. Those in power only have to manage the status quo; we have to excel in order to eventually overcome them. But in a team of like-minded people, that is also a wonderful task.In the Dutch local elections in mid-March this year, your party achieved the biggest nationwide increase in support. What were the reasons for this? And what impact is this having?de Vos: For one thing, the development of our movement is beginning to bear political fruit. Compared to the last elections four years ago, we stood in twice as many municipalities. This is, of course, due to the expansion of our organisation, but also to the promotion of young talent. We have also always told our story: we want local authorities to belong to the citizens once again and we oppose the intake of asylum seekers, which every local authority in the Netherlands is forced to accept under the Distribution Law. Many Dutch people see it exactly the same way, as the elections have shown. We now have 300 local councillors, six times as many as before. Now we can work for four years as the opposition or even in a coalition.The accommodation of asylum seekers in particular has been a highly contentious issue recently. What is causing the discontent?de Vos: Just like Germany, we have been grappling for decades with the consequences of mass migration, something the population never agreed to. So far, not a single government has listened to this majority; on the contrary. The Netherlands is setting one immigration record after another. Furthermore, the Distrubution Law was adopted in 2023 by the Rutte IV government, which has since been voted out of office.<img src="/uploads/image_34bf073b49.png">With the promise that immigration would decrease, asylum seekers were to be distributed ‘fairly’ across the country. In reality, local authorities were simply forced to take in asylum seekers. The vast majority of Dutch people are against this and want an end to the open-border policy. In recent weeks, the mood has shifted as asylum centres were suddenly announced or set up in numerous municipalities. There have been protests against this across the country.There were numerous protests by local residents against this, during which, however, dozens of demonstrators were sometimes arrested. What went wrong there?de Vos: Most of the people protesting were peaceful. I myself was at the protests in Loosdrecht, where the local council is trying to push through an emergency shelter. I met only ordinary Dutch people: parents, grandparents, young women, ordinary folk who are deeply concerned about the problems associated with migration and who do not want to lose their home.And yet there were arrests?de Vos: Some protests did indeed get out of hand – I do not want to gloss over that. But I think it is terrible that these incidents are now being used to criminalise the vast majority of peaceful demonstrators who have entirely legitimate concerns about asylum centres. The government is now shirking its responsibility and pretending that the violent protests are the problem. In this way, the public’s fears are dismissed and the government can carry on as before.Against this backdrop, the Minister for Asylum and Migration, Bart van den Brink, has launched an investigation by the General Intelligence and Security Service (AIVD) to determine whether there is more planning and support behind these disturbances than just concerned citizens who turned up to protest. Who does he have in mind?de Vos: According to its own statement, the intelligence service is now trying to find out whether ‘far-right’ groups are behind these protests. It is the same old strategy: instead of taking the necessary measures to end mass immigration, citizens with genuine concerns are being pushed into the far-right corner.The liberal-conservative minority government led by Rob Jetten, comprising the D66, VVD and CDA parties, has been in office since the end of February. What has it achieved so far?de Vos: Politically speaking: absolutely nothing. Socially speaking, this government has further torn our country apart.&nbsp;<a href="https://jungefreiheit.de/politik/ausland/2025/hollands-sozialliberale-entdecken-die-nationalflagge-fuer-sichhollands-sozialliberale-entdecken-die-nationalflagge-fuer-sich-sonntag-frei-kont/">During the election campaign</a>,<a href="https://jungefreiheit.de/politik/ausland/2025/hollands-sozialliberale-entdecken-die-nationalflagge-fuer-sichhollands-sozialliberale-entdecken-die-nationalflagge-fuer-sich-sonntag-frei-kont/"> Rob Jetten promised</a> to limit immigration and waved the Dutch flag. That’s why many Dutch people fell for his mainstream party once again.&nbsp;<a href="https://jungefreiheit.de/politik/ausland/2025/schwere-wahlschlappe-fuer-wilders-in-den-niederlanden/">After the elections</a>, he discarded his promises.This government is managing to shake the last shred of trust the Dutch have in politics. I am therefore all the more pleased that more and more people are finding their way to us. Our membership is growing, we were successful in the local council and parliamentary elections, and we are rising in the polls. The mass protests against the asylum centres also show that the government’s half-life has already passed. We need an alternative.

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From biochemistry and music to politics

How can it be that once proud countries now hate themselves and seem to be committing suicide? How is it that European leaders do not represent their countries’ interests and those of their people? FVD MP Milan Schenk asked these questions very firmly in the Chamber this week. The surest proof of this is the housing programme: building twice the number of houses than are needed for Dutch people, solely therefore for immigration and, ultimately, population replacement. 1.3 million migrants have come to live in the Netherlands in the last 15 years. How can a geographically relatively small country sustain such inflows? It can’t. Dutch people are squeezed out of the housing market, they cannot therefore start a family, the birth rate collapses, and the government tries to make up the shortfall by importing Africans and people from the Middle East or further afield. It is a death spiral.<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7oPyoNsArEM">Watch Milan Schenk’s speech here</a><img src="/uploads/image_e2bda21d4d.png">‘I stand here for the security services,’ said the Dutch Prime Minsiter, Rob Jetten, in a recent debate. He was responding to an MP who said the PM stood for the whole Chamber and for his voters. Jetten’s reply revealed a lot about the current trend towards government by the secret services, which is the truth behind all politics in all European countries. The debate was about what FVD’s parliamentary leader, Lidewij de Vos, had said about violent demonstrations against immigrants. She condemned them unequivocally - but the Prime Minister claimed that she somehow caused or tacitly encouraged that same violence. In other words, he lied. Is this how the security services, who also claim to be fighting disinformation, seek to govern our countries? When pressed, the PM said that even a hint at population replacement would encourage people to be violent, and that such remarks were therefore also condemned by the same security services. So you cannot say something because someone else might use that idea to commit a crime? This is a deranged concept of liability and must be firmly rejected in the name of justice and truth.<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VPIISCJXAp4">Watch the exchange in Parliament here</a><img src="/uploads/image_8505d32b75.png">Shortly after the debate in Parliament when she was mercilessly attacked, Lidewij de Vos addressed the Remigration summit held in Oporto, Portugal. Her speech was received with great emotion. She talked about the terrible effects of the asylum seeker racket on the lives of ordinary people in the Netherlands and, by implication, all over Europe. She inadvertently anticipated the Prime Minister’s later dishonest response when she explained that the government’s reaction to recent protests against asylum seekers had been to condemn the protesters rather than solve the problem they were protesting against. In other words: shoot the messenger.<a href="https://x.com/FVD_Intl/status/2061897168051474590">See the trailer for her speech here</a><img src="/uploads/image_1c0833d0bd.png">Our guest on The Forum this week was Dr Alexey Gromyko, Director of the Institute of Europe at the Russian Academy of Sciences. Russia and Europe’ is a centuries-old question and John Laughland discussed it with him in the city which embodies that relationship, St Petersburg.<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3b5g-fFHlMQ&amp;t=457s">Watch The Forum &amp; Friends here</a>

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The Weekly Forum - 6 June 2026

Lidewij de Vos was ambushed for more than an hour in the Second Chamber of the Dutch Parliament this week, as one MP after another tried to frame her concerns about immigration as racism. People around the country were genuinely shocked by this level of malicious assault. Journalists, too, seem to do little these days other than moral framing. Such framing is a form of denigration and even aggression, however it may cloak itself in questions. It reduces words to an instrument of power, and discussion to a struggle. It also shows the deep complicity between the political majority and the media class. For example, Lidewij was asked about population replacement (‘omvolking’ in Dutch) with the usual innuendos and implicit accusations.&nbsp; Population replacement is an observable phenomenon but it has been made a taboo by the political-media class, allegedly ‘because of the Second World War,’ as if that event had any relevance whatever to today’s migration problems. But the true goal of the taboo is instead to silence critics and to avoid responsibility for promoting migration in the first place.<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ok9_DDuuVN0">Watch Lidewij de Vos’ interview here</a><img src="/uploads/image_2fe7a95b87.png">The desire to deny reality is very powerful. This is because the reality of mass migration is frightening. Crime statistics show clearly what people instinctively know – that migrants commit proportionately more crimes than locals. The figures are particularly terrifying where violent crime is concerned – Somalis are 20 times more likely to be suspected of rape than Dutch people. Street robberies and serious violence are also areas in which young people from migrant backgrounds are significantly over-represented. Sweden is reducing the age of criminal responsibility to 13 so very young people will now be locked up. But this is to attack the symptom rather than the root cause – because even discussing the root is taboo.<a href="https://fvdinternational.com/article/youth-crime-and-migrant-backgrounds-figures-the-hague-would-rather-avoid">Read FVD’s article on migrants and crime here</a><img src="/uploads/image_c24fefe3a9.png">One of the reasons why things keep getting worse is that governments are trapped inside their own ideology. In the Netherlands, instead of concentrating on resolving the problems which affect people’s daily lives, the civil service instead writes reports alleging ‘institutional racism’ within government because there is no (Muslim) prayer room in this or that ministry. This is an example of … institutional madness. FVD’s new MP Milan Schenk detailed this in a recent devastating speech in committee – devastating because he correctly identifies the pursuit of ‘purely symbolic politics’, instead of the pursuit of real improvement, as the root cause of the problem.<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rLrcHmVqBxE&amp;t=0s">Watch Milan Schenk’s speech here</a><img src="/uploads/image_45ed609759.png">Ideology also trumps reality in the key area of climate policy, otherwise known as energy policy, the basis for the whole economy. The Netherlands is pursuing various crazy climate goals, in addition to those imposed by the EU. Now the IMF has said that they are dragging the already sluggish economy down even further. The body specifically identifies grid congestion and the crazy obsession with nitrogen – unique in Europe - as factors hindering investment and therefore growth. The IMF also concludes that the housing shortage is hampering investment, yet we all know that immigration contributes to that shortage. Milan Schenk MP is on the case and has put down questions to the government.&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="https://fvdinternational.com/article/youth-crime-and-migrant-backgrounds-figures-the-hague-would-rather-avoid">Read Milan Schenk’s questions here</a><img src="/uploads/image_ee63d87304.png">FVD International’s director, John Laughland, was once again a guest on the Australian TV show, The Protagonists, a daily broadcast of The World Today. They discussed the mysterious ‘fog of war’ surrounding the conflict in Iran, the end of the American empire and the true nature of Mr Trump. <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eourym1HQrA">Watch John Laughland’s interview here</a><img src="/uploads/image_fc48a050a7.png">Daniel McAdams of the Ron Paul Institute and the formidable Alex Krainer were our guests on The Forum this week. In the light of the recent rigged primary in Kentucky, can we still call the USA a democracy? <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nhjUZ78eQVU">Watch The Forum &amp; Friends here</a>

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The Weekly Forum - 28 May 2026

A new report by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) warns the Netherlands of slowing economic growth, significant uncertainty regarding economic prospects and structural problems that are putting pressure on investment and competitiveness.According to the IMF, the Netherlands is grappling with serious bottlenecks in areas including grid congestion, nitrogen restrictions, housing shortages and high labour costs. At the same time, the Fund warns of rising climate-related expenditure and an increasingly difficult investment climate.Forum for Democracy sees this as confirmation of what the party has been arguing for years: the Netherlands is destroying itself economically with ideological policies, sky-high costs and stifling regulation.FVD MP Milan Schenk therefore tabled parliamentary questions to the Ministers of Finance, Economic Affairs and Climate Policy, and Social Affairs and Employment the day after he was sworn in as a new Member of Parliament. In his questions, he addresses, among other things, stagnating economic growth, the consequences of grid congestion and nitrogen policy for investment and industry, the role of immigration in the housing shortage, the rising tax burden on labour, and the consequences of climate policy for Dutch competitiveness.The IMF report confirms that the Netherlands is becoming increasingly bogged down by misguided political choices regarding climate, nitrogen, immigration and taxation. Whilst economies outside Europe are investing in growth, industry and affordable energy, the Netherlands and the European Union are increasingly opting for additional regulations, higher burdens and restrictions that hamper economic development. As far as Schenk is concerned, this must change as soon as possible, in the interests of Dutch citizens, entrepreneurs and businesses.Written questions from Member Schenk (FVD) to the Minister of Finance, the Minister of Economic Affairs and Climate Policy and the Minister of Social Affairs and Employment regarding the stagnation of the Dutch economy according to the IMF<ol><li>Are you familiar with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) report on the Dutch economy dated 13 May 2026?</li><li>How does the government assess the IMF’s conclusion that economic growth in the Netherlands is stagnating at around 1 per cent and that there is considerable uncertainty regarding the economic outlook?</li><li>Does the government acknowledge that the Netherlands is increasingly facing structural problems which are putting pressure on investment, economic growth and competitiveness?</li><li>If the answer to question 3 is no, why not?</li><li>How does the government assess the IMF’s observation that grid congestion, a direct consequence of the energy transition, constitutes a ‘binding constraint’ on investment and economic development in the Netherlands?</li><li>What is the estimated annual economic damage caused by grid congestion, resulting in postponed connections and delayed investments?</li><li>Does the answer to question 6 give the government cause to scale back its climate ambitions and suspend the energy transition for the time being?</li><li>If the answer to question 7 is no, why not?</li><li>How does the government assess the IMF’s observation that nitrogen-related restrictions constitute a major obstacle to investment and economic development in the Netherlands?</li><li>Does the government acknowledge that the current nitrogen policy is leading to serious delays in housing construction, infrastructure projects, industrial expansion and economic development?</li><li>If the answer to question 10 is no, why not?</li><li>If the answer to question 10 is in the affirmative, what concrete steps will the government take to put a stop to these harmful developments?</li><li>How does the government assess the IMF’s conclusion that the housing shortage requires ambitious reforms?</li><li>What role does the government believe population growth resulting from immigration plays in the ongoing pressure on the housing market, infrastructure and amenities?</li><li>Can the Government set out how many additional homes are needed, according to current forecasts, as a result of the expected population growth due to immigration now and over the next ten years?</li><li>Does the Government share the submitter’s analysis that immigration, a major cause of the housing shortage, is holding back the Dutch economy?</li><li>If the answer to question 16 is in the negative, why not?</li><li>Does the Government share the IMF’s analysis that the current coalition plans increase the tax burden on labour, reduce labour participation and raise wage costs?</li><li>If the answer to question 18 is no, why not?</li><li>If the answer to question 18 is yes, what concrete steps will the Government take to change this?</li><li>Why has the government chosen to impose heavier taxes on labour (including through the ‘freedom contribution’) when the IMF specifically warns that higher labour costs lead to fewer hours worked and lower labour participation?</li><li>How does this, in the government’s view, relate to the principle that work must pay?</li><li>Are you aware of the recent statement by Professor of Labour and Macroeconomics Pieter Gautier that approximately a quarter of gross domestic product goes towards benefits and that this makes the tax system unnecessarily complex?</li><li>If the answer to question 23 is in the affirmative, how does the government assess this reality?</li><li>Does the government agree with the analysis that the current tax and benefits system leads to perverse incentives, high administrative costs and reduced transparency for Dutch citizens and businesses?</li><li>What concrete steps will the government take to simplify the tax and benefits system fundamentally?</li><li>How high does the government expect total climate-related expenditure to be by 2030 and 2050, particularly given that the IMF describes rising climate-related expenditure as a risk to the sustainability of public finances?</li><li>How does the government assess the tension between, on the one hand, ever-increasing climate-related costs and, on the other hand, maintaining competitiveness, industry and economic growth?</li><li>Does the government acknowledge that high energy prices and climate-related costs are contributing to a deterioration in the Dutch business and investment climate?</li><li>If the answer to question 29 is no, why not?</li><li>If the answer to question 29 is yes, what specific measures will the government take to improve the Dutch business and investment climate?</li><li>How does the Government assess signals from industry that companies and investments are leaving the Netherlands due to high energy costs, regulatory burdens, uncertain policy and increasing climate obligations?</li><li>Does the Government believe that current economic policy improves the Netherlands’ competitive position relative to countries such as the United States and China?</li><li>If the answer to question 33 is in the negative, what specific measures will the government take to improve the Netherlands’ competitive position?</li><li>What specific measures will the government take to counteract further stagnation of the Dutch economy, declining investment and loss of competitiveness?</li><li>Does the Government share the questioner’s conclusion that the IMF’s findings show that Dutch policy on climate (high costs and investment), nitrogen (stagnation in housing and industrial expansion), immigration (cause of the housing shortage) and taxation (no incentive to work) contributes significantly to the stagnation of the economy?</li><li>If the answer to question 36 is in the negative, why not?</li><li>If the answer to question 36 is in the affirmative, what specific measures will the government take regarding policy on climate, nitrogen, immigration and taxation to improve the Netherlands’ position?</li><li>In general terms, how does the government deal with reports, recommendations and findings from the IMF?</li><li>Could you please answer these questions as soon as possible and separately from one another?</li></ol>

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Another blow for climate fanatics: IMF confirms economic stagnation due to climate and nitrogen policies

Forum for Democracy International

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Forum for Democracy

FVD is a anti-globalist political party in the Netherlands founded and led by Thierry Baudet. John Laughland (right) is director of FVD International.

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